Adrien Arcand and Dr. Noël Décarie Arrested: La Presse, 30 May 1940

Adrien Arcand et le Dr Noël Décarie arrêtés 30 mai 1940

Adrien Arcand and Dr Noël Décarie arrested:  La Presse, May 30th, 1940. / Adrien Arcand et le Dr Noël Décarie arrêtés 30 mai 1940


ADRIEN ARCAND AND DR. NOËL DÉCARIE ARRESTED

ADRIEN ARCAND ET LE DR NOËL DÉCARIE ARRÊTÉS

EXCLUSIVE ENGLISH TRANSLATION

Source:  La Presse. BANQ numérique


On les a découverts au lac Clément à 14 milles de Nominingue ce matin

They were discovered this morning at Lac Clément, 14 miles from Nominingue

Ces deux arrestations portent à dix le nombre des organisateurs du parti de l’Unité Nationale aux mains de la police. ― Cinq ont comparu.

These two arrests bring to ten the number of National Unity Party organizers now in the hands of the police. ― Five have appeared.

Deux arrestations en Ontario

Two arrests in Ontario

Adrien Arcand, chef du parti de l’Unité Nationale et le Dr Noël Décarie, trésorier de ce parti, ont été appréhendés par la gendarmerie royale canadienne, ce matin, au lac Clément, à 14 milles de Nominingue, dans les Laurentides, où Arcand avait un camp.  Ce matin, Hughes Clément, adjudant provincial des Légionnaires, s’est livré à la police fédérale à Montréal, aux quartiers-généraux de celle-ci, ancien hôtel des postes, rue Saint-Jacques ouest.

Adrien Arcand, leader of the National Unity Party and Dr. Noël Décarie, the party treasurer, were apprehended by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police this morning at Lac Clément, 14 miles from Nominingue, in the Laurentians, where Arcand had a camp.  This morning, Hughes Clément, provincial warrant officer for the Legionnaires, gave himself up to the federal police in Montreal, at its headquarters, a former post office, on Saint-Jacques Street West.

Ceci porte à huit le nombre des arrestations effectuées depuis hier, la gendarmerie, de concert avec la police provinciale ayant déjà arreté les membres suivants:  le major MAURICE SCOTT, directeur national des Légionnaires ou parti des gardes de Fer; HENRI ARCAND, avenue Mount-Pleasant, Westmount, directeur général du transport.

This brings to eight the number of arrests made since yesterday, the RCMP, together with Provincial Police, having already arrested the following members:  Major MAURICE SCOTT, national director of the Legionnaires or party of the Iron Guard; HENRI ARCAND, Mount-Pleasant Avenue, Westmount, Director General of Transport.

MARIUS GATIEN, directeur national de la propagande; PAUL GIGUERE, adjudant national des Légionnaires; G.-R. BARCK, ville St-Laurent, organisateur.

MARIUS GATIEN, national director of propaganda; PAUL GIGUERE, National Legionnaires’ adjutant; G.-R. BARCK, Ville St-Laurent, organizer.

Déjà, à Toronto hier soir, la gendarmerie royale canadienne, division de l’Ontario, avait mis en état d’arrestation Joseph-C. Farr et John-M. Lorimer, de Toronto, deux des organisateurs de l’Unité Nationale dans la province voisine. Chez Farr, les agents auraient saisi toute une documentation que l’on juge très importante. À Montréal, aucun des prévenus n’a opposé de résistance et tous ont suivi les policiers aux quartiers généraux de la police fédérale, rue Saint-Jacques Ouest, à l’ancien hôtel des postes pour être ensuite conduits aux quartiers généraux de la police provinciale.

Already in Toronto last night, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Ontario Division, had arrested Joseph-C. Farr and John-M. Lorimer, of Toronto, two of the organizers of National Unity in the neighboring province. At Farr’s, the agents apparently seized substantial documentation considered very important.  In Montreal, none of the defendants offered any resistance and all followed the police to federal police headquarters, Saint-Jacques Street Ouest, at the old post office, and then to Provincial Police headquarters.

Henri Arcand, quand les agents se sont présentés à son domicile, se préparait à quitter Montréal pour une destination que l’on ignore. Il portait un sac de voyage et une voiture l’attendait à la porte. Dans son sac de voyage, on n’aurait découvert aucun papier compromettant. A part certains articles de lingerie, on y trouve des lettres personnelles et des circulaires de publicité commerciale.

Henri Arcand, when the agents showed up at his home, was preparing to leave Montreal for an unknown destination.  He was carrying a travel bag and a car was waiting for him at the door.  In his travel bag, no compromising papers were found.  Apart from certain underwear items, there were personal letters and advertising circulars.

Cinq des accusés en Cour

Five of the accused in Court

Cinq des membres de l’Unité Nationale appréhéndés par la gendarmerie royale, la Sûreté provinciale et la police municipale, au cours de la nuit dernière, ont été traduits devant le juge Rodolphe DeSerres, à midi et demi, en Correctionnelle sous des accusations portées en vertu des articles 39 et 39a de la loi des mesures de guerre au Canada.  M. Jean Tellier, procureur de la Couronne et représentant du procureur général, a déclaré vouloir procédé par voie de mise en accusation et l’enquête des cinq prévenus a été fixée au 5 juin prochain.  Dans l’intervalle, ils seront détenus durant trois jours aux quartiers généraux de la gendarmerie royale canadienne.

Five of the members of National Unity apprehended by the RCMP, the Provincial Police and municipal police, last night, were brought before judge Rodolphe DeSerres, at 12:30 p.m., in Correctional, with charges laid under sections 39 and 39a of the Canadian War Measures Act.  Mr. Jean Tellier, Crown Attorney and representative of the Attorney General, said he wanted to proceed by way of indictment and the investigation of the five defendants has been set for June 5.  In the meantime, they will be detained for three days at the headquarters of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.

Les inculpés sont Henri Arcand, C.-R. Barck, Paul Giguère, Marius Gatien et le major Maurice Scott et ils sont représentés par Me Salluste Lavery.

The accused are Henri Arcand, C.-R. Barck, Paul Giguère, Marius Gatien and Major Maurice Scott and they are represented by Maître Salluste Lavery.

Adrien Arcand, le Dr Noël Décarie et Hughes Clément comparaissent cet après-midi.

Adrien Arcand, Dr. Noël Décarie and Hughes Clément are appearing this afternoon.

Les accusations portées contre les prévenus

The charges against the defendants

Les prévenus sont accusés d’avoir du 3 septembre au 29 mai 1940 répandu des rapports ou fait des déclarations avec l’intention de causer de la désaffection dans les troupes de Sa Majesté ou d’intervenir dans les succès des armées de Sa Majesté et des pouvoirs alliés; de répandre des rapports de nature à causer du préjudice au recrutement, à l’entrainement et à la discipline, et pouvant être préjudiciables à la sécurité de l’Etat et à la poursuite efficace de la guerre; d’avoir imprimé, publié et mis en circulation des circulaires, périodiques, etc., de nature à causer de la désaffection aux forces de Sa Majesté ou alliées, à nuire au recrutement, à l’entrainement et à la dis-

The defendants are accused of having from September 3 to May 29, 1940 spread reports or made statements with the intention of causing disaffection in His Majesty’s troops or of interfering in the successes of His Majesty’s armies and those of the allied powers; having disseminated reports likely to prejudice recruitment, training and discipline, and which may be prejudicial to the security of the State and to the effective pursuit of the war; having printed, published and circulated circulars, periodicals, etc., likely to cause disaffection among His Majesty’s or the allied forces, hindered recruitment, training and dis-

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cipline et destinés ou propres à nuire à la Sûreté de l’Etat ou à la poursuite efficace de la guerre.

cipline and destined or likely to harm the Security of the State or the effective continuation of the war.

Dans la capitale fédérale, une arrestation a également été opérée, dans la banlieue, à East-View, celle d’Alexandre Brosseau, d’Ottawa, un des adeptes de l’Unité Nationale.  On a saisi à son domicile plusieurs brochures d’un caractère subversif.  L’inculpé est âgé de 38 ans.  La Gendarmerie royale canadienne ne peut pas assurer encore si cette littérature a été distribué a Ottawa ou dans les environs, mais elle est sous l’impression que cette littérature avait été expediée des quartiers-généraux de l’Unité Nationale de Montréal à Ottawa.  Les autorités sont sur le qui-vive et exercent tout le district d’Ottawa.

In the federal capital, an arrest was also carried out, in the suburbs, in East-View, of Alexandre Brosseau, of Ottawa, one of the followers of National Unity.  A number of brochures of a subversive nature were seized from his home.  The accused is 38 years old.  The Royal Canadian Mounted Police cannot yet be sure that this literature has been distributed in or around Ottawa, but it is under the impression that this literature had been dispatched from the headquarters of National Unity in Montreal to Ottawa.  The authorities are on the alert and are working the entire district of Ottawa.

La police fédérale et la police municipale ont opéré ces diverses arrestations dans la soirée et de bonne heure ce matin.  Les rumeurs les plus fantaisistes ont couru au sujet d’Adrien Arcand et du Dr Noël Décarie, qu’on n’avait pu localiser la nuit dernière.  On prétendait qu’ils étaient quelque part dans Toronto et qu’on les avait arretés la.  On a ajoutait qu’ils devaient arriver en avions a l’aérodrome de S.-Hubert, vers midi et demi aujourd’hui.  La gendarmerie ne se laisse pas émouvoir par ces racontars.  Pars ses agents dépéchés dans les Laurentides, elle était au courant des allées et venues d’Arcand et de Décarie, mais néanmoins elle prenait ses précautions pour que les deux chefs du parti ne lui échappent pas.  On était intrigué par la présence d’un passe-port émis en 1934 au nom d’Adrien Arcand et portant la photographie de ce dernier.  Cependant, rien n’indiquait que ce passe-port avait déja été utilisé.

Federal and municipal police made these various arrests in the evening and early this morning.  The most fanciful rumors were afoot about Adrien Arcand and Dr Noël Décarie, who could not be located last night.  It was claimed that they were somewhere in Toronto and that they were arrested there.  It was added that they were to arrive by air at the St. Hubert aerodrome around 12:30 pm today.  The RCMP was not moved by these stories.  Through its agents dispatched in the Laurentians, the Force was aware of the comings and goings of Arcand and Décarie, but nevertheless took precautions so that the two party leaders would not escape.  They were intrigued by the presence of a passport issued in 1934 in the name of Adrien Arcand and bearing the photograph of the latter.  However, there was nothing to indicate that the passport had been used.

Ces arrestations ont été opérées conformément aux articles 39 et 39A, de la Loi fédérale des mesures de guerre, mais il semble bien que l’accusation de trahison sera portée contre certains des prévenus.

These arrests were made in accordance with sections 39 and 39A of the Federal War Measures Act, but it appears that the charge of treason will be laid against some of the defendants.

Les autorités de la gendarmerie royale canadienne à Montréal sont muettes sur ce sujet et attendaient des ordres du procureur général.

The authorities of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in Montreal are silent on this subject and were awaiting orders from the Attorney General.

Dans les perquisitions comme dans les arrestations la gendarmerie a reçu un précieux concours des polices provinciale et municipale.

In the searches as in the arrests, the RCMP received precious assistance from the provincial and municipal police.

A Letter to Canon Panneton

FOREWORD / AVANT-PROPOS

This letter to Canon Georges Panneton dated 21 December 1964 was found online in the form of a typed transcript at the web site of Soldat du Christ (Soldier of Christ).  It was posted on Friday, 23 January 2009 under the title “Adrien Arcand écrit au Chanoine Panneton” (Adrien Arcand writes to Canon Panneton).

Cette lettre au chanoine Georges Panneton du 21 décembre 1964 a été trouvée en ligne sous la forme d’une transcription dactylographiée sur le site Internet du Soldat du Christ.  elle a été publiée le vendredi 23 janvier 2009 sous le titre “Adrien Arcand écrit au Chanoine Panneton”.


ADRIEN ARCAND WRITES TO CANON PANNETON

ADRIEN ARCAND ECRIT AU CHANOINE PANNETON

EXCLUSIVE ENGLISH TRANSLATION


 

Adrien Arcand écrit au Chanoine Panneton

Adrien Arcand writes to Canon Panneton

Adrien Arcand
Lanoraie, P.Q.
21 décembre 1964

M. le Chanoine,

Adrien Arcand
Lanoraie, P.Q.
21 December 1964

Mr. Canon,

En juin 1947, en l’hôtel New Yorker de New York se tint un Congrès général des Rabbins américains et canadiens. Durant les quatre jours de ce Congrès, on discuta tous les arguments de fond, et on esquissa la stratégie en vue de l’élimination de toute prière et de toute trace de religion dans les écoles publiques du continent Nord Américain.

In June, 1947, at the New Yorker Hotel in New York, a general Congress of American and Canadian Rabbis was held.  Throughout the four days of this Congress, all the basic arguments were discussed, and a strategy for the elimination of all prayer and all trace of religion in the public schools of the North American continent was outlined.

Quelqu’un enregistra tous les débats sur bande magnétique; cette bande fut envoyée à un certain Rév. Campbell, ministre épiscopalien de Californie. Ce Révérend fit le long travail de transcrire ces débats en trois copies. Pour ne prendre aucun risque de perte par le courrier, il vint à Montréal pour me remettre l’une des copies.

Someone tape-recorded all the debates; this recording was sent to a certain Rev. Campbell, an Episcopalian minister in California.  This Reverent did the long work of transcribing these debates in three copies.  So as not to risk loss in the mail, he came to Montreal to give me one of the copies.

Je passai cette copie au Rév. P. Rufin Turcotte, OFM (maintenant curé à Cité Jacques Cartier, près de Montréal), qui en fit tirer dix copies dont trois pour moi. J’en fis adresser une à l’Honorable M. Duplessis, via l’Hon. Gérald Martineau (qui ne la retrouve plus!). J’en donnai une à un Clerc de St-Viateur, qui devait la transmettre à un Évêque, puis je prêtai la dernière à un clerc qui ne me l’a jamais rapportée.

I passed this copy to Rev. P. Rufin Turcotte, OFM1 (now parish priest at Cité Jacques Cartier near Montreal), who made ten copies of it, including three for me.  I sent one to the Honorable Mr. Duplessis, via the Hon. Gérald Martineau (who can no longer find it!).  I gave another to a Cleric at St. Viateur, who was to pass it on to a Bishop, then I leant the last one to a Cleric who never returned it to me.

Ce document de haute importance indique la source réelle, le but, la procédure de la déchristianisation des écoles en Amérique du Nord. Un rabbin de Philadelphie y dit, entre autres choses: « Nous devons être contre le LORD’S PRAYER, parce que c’est une invention du plus grand ennemi des Pharisiens, et que nous, rabbins modernes, nous sommes les descendants directs des Pharisiens sans discontinuité, hiatus ou césure.»

This document of great importance indicates the real source, the purpose, the procedure for the dechristianization of the schools of North America.  In it, a Philadelphian rabbi says, among other things:  “We must be against the LORD’S PRAYER, because it is an invention of the greatest enemy of the Pharisees, and we, modern rabbis, are the direct descendants of the Pharisees without discontinuity, hiatus or interruption.”

Dès 1942, le Maréchal Pétain était condamné par les Loges, en France, parce que, comme Chef de l’État français, il avait décidé de réadmettre la confession dans les écoles publiques, il avait aboli les lois de confiscation et d’ostracisme des Congrégations religieuses.

As of 1942, Marshal Pétain was condemned by the Lodges in France because, like the head of the French State, he had decided to readmit confession into the public schools, he had abolished the laws of confiscation and ostracism of religious Congregations.

Dès le printemps de 1933, les Loges et la Synagogue avaient condamné Hitler et son régime à cause de l’article suivant de la Proclamation de Potsdam2 :  «Le Gouvernement du 3e Reich proclame solennellement que le Christianisme, sous ses formes protestante et catholique, a été, et restera la base morale fondamentale du peuple allemand.  Les confessions non-chrétiennes ne jouiront pas du Droit public, mais elles jouiront du Droit privé et de toute liberté en autant qu’elles ne seront pas une menace à la sécurité de l’État.»

As of the Spring of 1933, the Lodges and the Synagogue had condemned Hitler and his regime because of the following provision in the Proclamation of Potsdam2:  “The Government of the 3rd Reich solemnly proclaims that Christianity, in all its forms both Protestant and Catholic, has been and will remain the fundamental moral basis of the German people.  The non-Christian confessions have no Public rights, but will refer to Private law and will have all liberty to the extent that they do not threaten the security of the State.”

L’attitude positivement pro-chrétienne des Gouvernements de Franco et Salazar est (quand on lit les compte-rendus des Convents annuels des Loges) ce qui leur vaut l’inimitié des Internationales anti-chrétiennes.  Le motif véritable de l’ostracisme est toujours une cause religieuse; mais la raison que la propagande en donne est toujours une question civile ou autre.

The positively pro-Christian attitude of the Governments of Franco and Salazar (when we read reports of the annual Convents of the Lodges) is what has earned them the enmity of the anti-Christian Internationals.  The true motive for the ostracism is always a religious reason; but the reason that the propaganda gives is always a civil or other question.

C’est l’éternelle histoire qui se répète. Le divin sauveur fut d’abord condamné à mort pour raison religieuse (blasphémateur), mais on fit exécuter la sentence pour motif civil (ennemi de César). Les cardinaux Stepinac, Beran, Minszenty, Wyszyński et tant d’autres en savent quelque chose, à la suite du divin Maître…

Eternal history is repeating itself.  The Divine Saviour was first condemned to death for a religious reason (blasphemer), but the sentence was carried out for a civil reason (enemy of Caesar).  Cardinals Stepinac, Beran, Minszenty, Wyszyński and so many others know something about it, as did the Divine Master …

Si les Juifs ne sont pas coupables de Déicide, alors l’Église catholique a tort de conserver dans la Liturgie du Vendredi-Saint le chant Popule meus; il va falloir expurger les Évangiles de la Passion selon St Matthieu et selon St Luc, ainsi que les discours de Saint Pierre rapportés dans les Actes des Apôtres, enfin les affirmations directes faites dans les Épîtres et l’Apocalypse.

If the Jews are not guilty of Deicide, then the Catholic Church is wrong to preserve in the Good-Friday Liturgy the Popule meus  chant; We will have to expurgate the Gospels of the Passion according to St. Matthew and St. Luke, as well as the speeches of St. Peter reported in the Acts of the Apostles, and lastly the direct affirmations made in the Epistles and the Apocalypse.

En 1956 fut imprimé et publié en France un petit livre en anglais ayant pour titre « Hadst Thou but Known » (Si seulement tu avais su), titre tiré de la déchirante lamentation de Jésus pleurant sur Jérusalem. L’auteur, K.J. Hirschfeld était originaire de Londres, mais il n’avait pu y trouver d’imprimeur assez courageux, pour lancer son livre; c’est pourquoi il le fit imprimer en France, où les imprimeurs ne comprirent rien à sa prose anglaise. L’histoire de sa conversion au catholicisme tient réellement du miracle… Il me l’a raconté dans ses lettres. Ce Hirschfeld, qui demeurait rue Ste-Anne, à Paris, avait passé sa jeunesse en Palestine d’allégeance britannique et avait été élevé dans la plus stricte orthodoxie talmudo-judaïque. Il pensa même à devenir rabbin, car il était de nature pieuse. Dans son livre, au chapitre de l’État d’Israël, il écrit textuellement (je traduis de l’anglais): « Lorsque le Talmud enseigne que le meilleur des Gentils mérite d’être mis à mort ce n’est pas une simple affirmation passagère, c’est le fondement même de la conscience juive et de la foi judaïque. » Un peu plus loin il écrit: « ce que le peuple juif ne peut plus faire aujourd’hui contre la personne même de Jésus devant le prétoire de Pilate, il n’a jamais cessé de le faire contre son oeuvre, l’Église, depuis dix neuf siècles. »

In 1956, in France, a small book was printed and published in English entitled “Hadst Thou but Known”, its title drawn from the heartbreaking lament of Jesus weeping over Jerusalem.  The author, K.J. Hirschfeld, was from London, but he could not find a printer there courageous enough to launch his book; this is why he had it printed in France, where the printers understood nothing of his English prose.  His conversion to Catholicism is truly a miracle … He told me the story in his letters.  This Hirschfeld, who lived at St. Anne’s in Paris, had spent his youth in Palestine of British allegiance and had been brought up in the strictest Talmudo-Judaic orthodoxy.  He even considered becoming a rabbi because he was pious in nature.  In his book, in the chapter on the State of Israel, he writes (Arcand translates the English verbatim into French; I am now translating his French back to English-DWH):  “When the Talmud teaches that the best of Gentiles deserves to be put to death, it is not a passing affirmation, it is the fundamental basis of the Jewish conscience and of the Jewish faith.”  A bit further on, he writes:  “What it can no longer do against the person of Jesus, as before Pilate’s praetorium, the Jewish people has done for nineteen centuries against His work, His Church.”

En 1940, le Rév. P. Auguste Béa, S.J. (pas encore cardinal) rédigea pour M. Vries de Heckelingen une expertise sur le fait que le Talmud considère les non-Juifs comme des bêtes, des animaux sans âme. Le Père Béa était apparemment la plus haute autorité catholique sur le Talmud et les langues sémitiques. Son travail fut soumis au tribunal d’Oron, siégeant à Lausanne, Suisse, les 15, 16, 17 janvier 1940.

In 1940, the Reverent Father, Augustus Béa, S.J. (not yet a cardinal) wrote for Mr. Vries de Heckelingen an expertise on the fact that the Talmud considers non-Jews as animals without souls.  Father Béa was apparently the highest Catholic authority on the Talmud and Semitic languages.  His work was submitted to the court of Oron, sitting at Lausanne, Switzerland, on the 15th, 16th and 17th of January, 1940.

Le Talmud judaïque est l’unique source de haine contre Jésus et contre les hommes non-juifs, haine entretenue par le sionisme, le communisme, par certaines obédiences, maçonniques et autres organisations de contrôle juif.

The Jewish Talmud is the only source of hatred against Jesus and against non-Jewish men, a hatred maintained by Zionism, communism, by certain masonic obediences, and by other organizations under Jewish control.

Adrien Arcand

Adrien Arcand

__________

1.  Note du traductrice:  Je tiens pour acquis que OFM est l’acronyme du nom latin, Ordo Fratrum Minorum, l’Ordre des Frères Mineurs, connu sous le nom de «Observateurs», le plus souvent simplement appelés Frères franciscains, nom officiel:  «Frères mineurs» (OFM).

1.  Translator’s note:  I am assuming that OFM is the acronym for the Latin name, Ordo Fratrum Minorum, the Order of Friars Minor, known as the “Observants”, most commonly simply called Franciscan friars, official name:  “Friars Minor” (OFM).

2.  Note du traducteur :  Il y a une «Déclaration à Potsdam» publiée le 26 juillet 1945 par les vainqueurs alliés de la Seconde Guerre mondiale; il y a une «Journée de Potsdam»:  22 mars 1933 (Joseph Goebbels); il y a un «Mon jour de Potsdam:  entrée du journal» (1933) (Erich Ebermayer).  Le New York Times du mercredi 22 mars 1933, Late City Edition (première page), fait référence au «discours d’Hitler à Potsdam»; mais après avoir payé un abonnement pour le lire, il n’y a aucune mention du christianisme, et le «discours» auquel il est fait référence n’est vraiment que des extraits.  Arcand ne faisait évidemment pas référence ici à la déclaration des Alliés de l’après-guerre.  De plus, il semble y avoir eu de nombreuses références au christianisme et à l’État par Hitler et ses principaux dirigeants.  Dans une recherche rapide, je n’ai pas trouvé de proclamation ou de discours complet d’Hitler lié à «Potsdam» sur le statut du christianisme au Reich.  Cependant, des preuves sont trouvées dans un livre en ligne :  Le Saint Reich :  conceptions nazies du christianisme, 1919-1945 par Richard Steigmann-Gall, Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. Xvi, 294.  Dans un chapitre intitulé «Le Saint-Reich», dans la sous-section «Pratiquer une foi« active »», à partir de la page 115, nous lisons:

2.  Translator’s note:  There is a “Declaration at Potsdam” published July 26, 1945 by the allied victors in WWII; there is a “Day of Potsdam”:  22 March 1933 (Joseph Goebbels); there is a “My Day of Potsdam:  Diary Entry” (1933) (Erich Ebermayer).  The New York Times of Wednesday, March 22, 1933, Late City Edition (front page), refers to “Hitler’s Speech at Potsdam”; but after paying for a subscription in order to read it, there is no mention of Christianity, and the “Speech” referred to is really only extracts.  Arcand obviously was not referring here to the post-war Allied declaration.  Moreover, there appear to have been many references to Christianity and the State by Hitler and his leading men.  In a quick search, I have not found a complete proclamation or speech by Hitler linked with “Potsdam” on the status of Christianity in the Reich.  However, evidence is found in a book online:  The Holy Reich:  Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919-1945 by Richard Steigmann-Gall, Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. xvi, 294.  In a chapter entitled “The Holy Reich”, in the sub-section “Practicing an ‘Active’ Faith”, starting at 115, we read:

«Le 1er février 1933, deux jours après la prise du pouvoir, Hitler s’est adressé à la nation allemande en tant que chancelier du Reich pour la première fois.  Ses premiers mots furent :  “Nous sommes déterminés, en tant que dirigeants de la nation, à accomplir en tant que gouvernement national la tâche qui nous a été confiée, ne jurant que la fidélité à Dieu, à notre conscience et à notre Volk.”  Plus tard dans le discours, Hitler a proclamé :  “Ainsi, le gouvernement national considérera son devoir avant tout de restaurer l’unité d’esprit et le but de notre VolkIl préservera et défendra les fondements sur lesquels repose le pouvoir de notre nation.  Il prendra le christianisme, comme base de notre morale collective, et la famille comme noyau de notre Volk et de notre État, sous sa ferme protection.”  Après avoir défini l’agenda du nouveau gouvernement ― la défaite du communisme, le service du travail obligatoire [116], le retour à la campagne et une nouvelle politique étrangère agressive ― le discours s’est terminé une fois de plus sur une note pieuse :  “Que Dieu Tout-Puissant prenne notre travail dans sa grâce, donne une vraie forme à notre volonté, bénis notre perspicacité, et donne-nous la confiance de notre Volk.”»

“On 1 February 1933, two days after the Seizure of Power, Hitler addressed the German nation as Reich Chancellor for the first time.  His first words were:  “We are determined, as leaders of the nation, to fulfill as a national government the task which has been given to us, swearing fidelity only to God, our conscience, and our Volk.”  Later in the speech, Hitler proclaimed:  “Thus the national government will regard its first and foremost duty to restore the unity of spirit and purpose of our VolkIt will preserve and defend the foundations upon which the power of our nation rests.  It will take Christianity, as the basis of our collective morality, and the family as the nucleus of our Volk and state, under its firm protection.”  After outlining the agenda of the new government ― the defeat of Communism, compulsory [116] labor service, return to the land, and an aggressive new foreign policy ― the speech ended once more on a pious note:  “May God Almighty take our work into his grace, give true form to our will, bless our insight, and endow us with the trust of our Volk.”

Toujours insistant sur le fait que les actions signifiaient plus que des mots, l’État nazi a commencé à mettre en œuvre un programme idéologique qu’il avait défini dans le Kampfzeit.  C’était un christianisme positif transformé en christianisme «actif».  Comme Goebbels l’a dit dans un discours de 1935, «une confession verbale ne peut pas suffire; nous avons besoin d’une confession active.  Le christianisme n’est pas une forme vide, mais plutôt une action continue.»  Le 23 mars 1933, jour de l’adoption de la loi d’habilitation, Hitler s’est adressé au nouveau Reichstag pour la première fois, abordant deux thèmes simultanément ― le comportement chrétien du nouvel État et la nécessité pour les Églises de se conformer à cet État :

Always insistent that actions meant more than words, the Nazi State began to implement an ideological agenda it had outlined in the Kampfzeit.  This was positive Christianity turned into “active” Christianity.  As Goebbels put it in a speech from 1935, “A verbal confession cannot suffice; we require an active confession.  Christianity is no empty form, but rather a continual action.”  On 23 March 1933, the day the Enabling Law was passed, Hitler addressed the new Reichstag for the first time, touching on two themes simultaneously ― the Christian comportment of the new state and the need for the churches to conform to that state:

Le gouvernement national voit dans les deux confessions chrétiennes les facteurs les plus importants pour la préservation de notre nationalité.  Il respectera les traités conclus entre eux et les Etats; leurs droits ne doivent pas être violés.  Mais le gouvernement attend et espère que les travaux sur le renouveau national et moral de notre Volk  dont il a fait sa tâche seront, en revanche, également respectés …. La lutte contre une conception matérialiste du monde et pour la production d’une véritable communauté populaire sert à la fois les intérêts de la nation allemande et notre foi chrétienne.»

The national government sees in the two Christian confessions the most important factors for the preservation of our nationality.  It will respect the treaties concluded between them and the states; their rights shall not be violated.  But the government expects and hopes that the work on the national and moral renewal of our Volk which it has made its task will, on the other hand, be equally respected …. The struggle against a materialistic conception of the world and for the production of a true Peoples’ Community serves both the interests of the German nation and our Christian faith.”

Ce discours a eu ses utilisations politiques, par exemple, aidant à obtenir l’approbation par le Parti du Centre de la loi d’habilitation.  En effet, la plupart des historiens d’églises ont noté avec beaucoup de scepticisme la fréquence des intonations religieuses d’Hitler au cours de l’année de la prise du pouvoir . Le «jour de Potsdam» du 21 mars 1933, lorsque le nouveau Reichstag a été inauguré par une cérémonie d’État dans l’église de la garnison protestante, remplie de nombreux services religieux, est considéré par Klaus Scholder comme un «chef-d’œuvre de propagande».  Une autre autorité [117] soutient que l’affirmation du christianisme par Hitler dans ses discours publics a marqué une «politique de duplicité étudiée qui a caractérisé dès le départ l’attitude de son gouvernement envers la religion …. dans les coulisses [il] planifiait astucieusement l’anéantissement total de la foi chrétienne.»  Un tel argument ignore entièrement les vues privées qu’Hitler avait énoncées pendant le Kampfzeit.  Bien que la célèbre image d’Hitler serrant la main d’Hindenburg à la fin de la cérémonie soit une tromperie évidente, rien ne prouve que les expressions religieuses d’Hitler soient également trompeuses.  Même si Scholder adopte une vision cynique du jour de Potsdam, il concède que «c’est trop simple de voir tout cela comme rien de plus qu’une émission de propagande national-socialiste».

This speech had its political uses, for instance, helping to secure the Center Party’s endorsement of the Enabling Law.  Indeed, most church historians have noted the frequency of Hitler’s religious intonations in the year of the Seizure of Power with great skepticism.  The “Potsdam Day” of 21 March 1933, when the new Reichstag was opened with a state ceremony in the Protestant Garrison Church, replete with numerous religious services, is regarded by Klaus Scholder as a “masterpiece of propaganda”.  Another [117] authority contends that Hitler’s affirmation of Christianity in his public speeches marked a “policy of studied duplicity which characterized his government’s attitude toward religion from the start …. behind the scenes [he was] craftily planning the utter annihilation of the Christian faith.”  Such an argument entirely overlooks the private views Hitler had enunciated during the Kampfzeit.  Although the famous image of Hitler obsequiously shaking Hindenburg’s hand at the end of the ceremony was an obvious deceit, there is no evidence that Hitler’s religious expressions were likewise deceptive.  Even though Scholder takes a cynical view of Potsdam Day, he concedes that ”It is too simple to see all this as no more than a National Socialist propaganda show.”

Dans un discours célébrant la sortie de l’Allemagne de la Société des Nations, Hitler a de nouveau affirmé que le Troisième Reich appliquait activement un programme chrétien :  «Parallèlement à la lutte pour une morale plus pure, nous avons pris sur nous la lutte contre la décomposition de notre religion. … Nous avons donc entrepris la lutte contre le mouvement impie, et pas seulement avec quelques déclarations théoriques; nous l’avons éradiqué.  Et surtout, nous avons tiré les prêtres des plaines de la lutte des partis politiques et les avons ramenés dans l’église.»  Cette déclaration était tout à fait cohérente avec les discours d’Hitler au début de l’année et également avec l’attitude fondamentale qu’il avait exposée ― en privé comme en public ― en «temps de lutte».  Insistant sur le fait que le nazisme en tant qu’État ne ferait pas de distinction entre protestant et catholique, il n’a reconnu qu’une foi supra-chrétienne commune.  Fidèle à sa promesse, Hitler a défendu le christianisme contre le mouvement «sans Dieu», proscrivant les partis socialistes et communistes très tôt après la prise du pouvoir.  En échange de rester «au-dessus des églises», Hitler s’attendait à ce que les églises restent «au-dessus de la politique» et a ouvertement attaqué «l’ingérence» des prêtres dans la politique parlementaire.  Cependant, cette attaque ne visait pas les deux confessions de la même manière :  l’engagement politique des prêtres catholiques au moyen du Parti du Centre était attaqué ici, pas l’engagement politique des pasteurs protestants, qui, après la prise du pouvoir comme avant, pouvaient fréquemment compter parmi les membres du NSDAP.»

In a speech celebrating Germany’s exit from the League of Nations, Hitler again maintained that the Third Reich was actively implementing a Christian agenda:  “Along with the fight for a purer morality we have taken upon ourselves the struggle against the decomposition of our religion. … We have therefore taken up the struggle against the Godless movement, and not just with a few theoretical declarations; we have stamped it out.  And above all we have dragged the priests out of the lowlands of the political party struggle and have brought them back into the church.”  This declaration was quite consistent with Hitler’s speeches earlier in the year and also with the basic attitude he laid out ― privately as well as publicly ― in the “time of struggle.”  Insisting that Nazism as a state would not distinguish between Protestant and Catholic, he recognized only a common supre-Christian faith.  True to his promise, Hitler defended Christianity against the “Godless” movement, outlawing the Socialist and the Communist parties very early after the Seizure of Power.  In exchange for remaining “above churches,” Hitler expected the churches to remain “above politics” and quite openly attacked the “meddling” of priests in parliamentary politics.  However, this attack was not aimed at both confessions equally:  the political engagement of Catholic priests by means of the Center Party was being attacked here, not the political engagement of Protestant pastors, who, after the Seizure of Power as before it, frequently could be counted among the members of the NSDAP.”

Adolf Hitler Responds to Allegations of Religious PersecutionsPour compléter cela, étant donné que YouTube était si charitable au point de détruire la chaîne vidéo entière de Justice4Germans, il arrive que j’ai une de leurs lectures en anglais d’un discours d’Hitler défendant le Reich contre des accusations d’abus du christianisme.  Vous pouvez en profiter.  Téléchargement gratuit ici, seulement 6 Mo dans un fichier zip:   Adolf Hitler Responds to Allegations of Religious Persecutions.

Adolf Hitler Responds to Allegations of Religious Persecutions To round that off, since YouTube was so charitable as to destroy the entire video channel of Justice4Germans, I happen to have one of their readings in English of a speech by Hitler defending the Reich from accusations of abuse of Christianity.  You may enjoy it.  Free download here, only 6MB in a zip file:  Adolf Hitler Responds to Allegations of Religious Persecutions.

Merci à Google Translate pour la version française de ces notes de bas de page.

Acknowledgments:  Thank you to Google Translate for the French version of these footnotes.

The Last Will and Testament of Adrien Arcand – 9 September 1960

Adrien Arcand, the Roman Catholic fascist

Adrien Arcand, the Roman Catholic fascist /  Adrien Arcand, le fasciste catholique romain


Foreword

Adrien Arcand’s only possessions were his love for God and his devotion to His Church, the only two subjects of his Last Will and Testament.

David Rajotte of Library and Archives Canada, in his valuable article, “L’État canadien contre le Parti de l’unité nationale et Adrien Arcand”,1 effectively summarizes Arcand’s material wealth as it stood, assessed by the Canadian State upon his internment without trial in 1940.  Says Rajotte:

Les ennemis du Canada durant la guerre voyaient leurs avoirs saisis et administrés par le Bureau du séquestre des biens ennemis (BSBE).&nbsp Aucun interné n’y a échappé.  Dans les archives du BSBE, il existe de fait des dossiers sur tous les membres du PUNC qui ont été arrêtés, à l’exception d’Arthur Lebrun, de Cornwall.  La plupart avaient peu de possessions et n’ont pas eu à transiger longuement avec le Bureau.  Quelques cas ressortent quand même du lot.  Albert Abdelahad était un vendeur itinérant et a dû céder tout son inventaire.  Le BSBE a recherché les personnes à qui il avait fait crédit et les a fait payer.  Hugues Clément était pour sa part copropriétaire d’une compagnie d’assurances fondée par son père . Le BSBE est devenu gestionnaire de ses actions.  La situation a été plus simple pour Adrien Arcand.  Un comptable a examiné ses possessions.  Il a finalement expliqué qu’il n’avait rien de valeur.  Dans une entrevue d’après-guerre, Arcand a raconté que sa femme a pu passer à travers le conflit en bonne partie grâce à l’aide d’amis.  Elphège Deaudelin, propriétaire d’épiceries, lui fournissait des aliments.  Le fils aîné d’Arcand a aussi rejoint l’armée en 1944.  On peut donc supposer que la famille du chef fasciste n’a pas vécu la guerre dans la misère la plus totale.  Il reste quand même que la vie des proches des internés a été difficile.

Canada’s enemies during the war saw their assets seized and administered by the Office of the Custodian of Enemy Property (OCEP).  No internees escaped this.  In the OCEP archives, there are in fact records of all the NUPC members arrested, with the exception of Arthur Lebrun of Cornwall.  Most had few possessions and did not have to deal for long with the Office.  A few cases stand out.  Albert Abdelahad was a traveling salesman and had to yield up his entire inventory.  The OCEP looked for those people who had credit with him and made them pay.  Hugues Clément was co-owner of an insurance company founded by his father.  The OCEP became the manager of his shares.  The situation was easier for Adrien Arcand.  An accountant3 examined his possessions.  He finally explained that there was nothing of value.  In a post-war interview, Arcand said that his wife was able to get through the conflict largely thanks to the help of friends.  Elphège Deaudelin, a grocery store owner, provided her with food.  Arcand’s eldest son also joined the army in 1944.  We can therefore assume that the fascist leader’s family did not live out the war in total misery.

Obviously, those things of real value were not considered by the accountant.

The best presentation of the Last Will and Testament of Adrien Arcand that I can find is the following words, by his own political party, in a short biography of Arcand’s life.2

Cet homme racé, d’une énergie débordante, d’u­ne intelligence rare et d’une culture prodigieuse, a servi son idéal jusqu’au bout, malgré sa santé défaillante durant les dernières années, et en dé­pit de toutes les persécutions et des attentats perpétrés contre sa personne.  Les biens terres­tres ne l’intéressaient pas, et ce détachement su­blime demeure vraiment, selon tous ceux qu’il a si hautement inspirés, la preuve la plus tangible de sa sincérité, en ce monde dépravé par l’amour de l’argent.  Proclamer à la face de l’univers ce re­noncement extraordinaire est bien le plus grand hommage que ses disciples et amis puissent lui rendre.

This thoroughbred of a man, overflowing with energy, of rare intelligence and prodigious culture, served his ideal until the end, despite his failing health in the final years, and in spite of all the persecutions and attacks perpetrated against his person.  Earthly goods were of no interest to him, and therefore sublime detachment really remains the most tangible proof of his sincerity, according to all those whom he greatly inspired in this world depraved by the love of money.  To proclaim in the face of the universe this extraordinary renunciation is really the greatest homage that his disciples and his friends could pay to him.


THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF ADRIEN ARCAND

For the First Time, in English


 
My holograph will

Lanoraie, Berthier County,
September 9, 1960,

Having undergone a serious surgical operation this year and knowing that at my age I will have to appear before my Creator and Judge before long, here are my last wishes:

I surrender to my God, Father-Son-Holy Spirit, my soul and all that He had the generosity to lend me for my earthly life (body, talent, faculties, etc.), submitting myself totally and without reservation to His divine Will-Law, hoping that His infinite Mercy will have forgiven my sins, my shortcomings, my omissions which I deeply repent of mainly because they struck the nails and thorns driven into the flesh of my Savior Jesus;

I want to die in complete and unreserved adherence to all the teachings of my Mother the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church, which I consider infallible and the sole depositary of true Revelation.

Adrien Arcand


Last Will and Testament of Adrien Arcand, 9 September 1960

Last Will and Testament of Adrien Arcand, 9 September 1960 /  Les dernières volontés et testament d’Adrien Arcand, 9 septembre 19604


LES DERNIÈRES VOLONTÉS ET TESTAMENT D’ADRIEN ARCAND


Mon testament olographe

Lanoraie, Comté de Berthier,
9 septembre 1960,

Ayant subi, cette année, une opération chirurgicale grave et sachant qu’à mon âge je devrai avant longtemps comparaître devant mon Créateur et Juge, voici mes dernières volontés :

Je remets à mon Dieu, Père-Fils-Saint-Esprit, mon âme et toutes qu’Il a eu la générosité à me prêter pour ma vie terrestre (corps, talent, facultés, etc.), me soumettant totalement et sans réservés à Sa divine Volonté-Loi, espérant que Son infinit Miséricorde aura pardonné mes péchés, mes manquements, mes omissions dont je me repens profondément surtout parce qu’ils ont frappé les clous et les épines enfoncés dans la chair de mon Sauveur Jésus;

Je veux mourir dans l’adhésion complète et sans réserve à tous les enseignements de ma Mère l’Eglise Catholique, Apostolique Romaine, que je considère infaillible et seule dépositaire de la vraie Révélation.

Adrien Arcand

__________

1.  Rajotte, D. (2018).  “L’État canadien contre le Parti de l’uniténationale et Adrien Arcand.”  Bulletin d’histoire politique, 26(3), 189–211.  doi:10.7202/1046920ar The title of the article if given in English would be:  “The Canadian State Versus The National Unity Party and Adrien Arcand”.

2.  Exclusive English Translation for Adrien Arcand Books, from Section 1 of Adrien Arcand devant le tribunal de l’histoire :  Scandale à la société Radio-Canada (Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada) circa 1983 by Arcand’s then still existing National Unity Party of Canada.  See our free ebook, A Short Study of the Life of Adrien Arcand, comprising the whole text of Section 1.

3.  Nor, just to clarify, was Adrien Arcand an “enemy of Canada”; he was framed and libeled by his government.  But I won’t go into that here, I’ll have to save it for the Memorandum and Request eBook that I still owe you.  I will however say that it would be fully correct to call Mackenzie-King (“our American Prime Minister” as cartooned in the Goglu) an enemy of Canada, for he planned this country’s end in supporting world government.

4.  The source of Arcand’s handwritten Will is Jean Côté’s 1994 book, Adrien Arcand :  une grande figure de notre temps, published at Outremont, Quebec, 227 p.: 23 cm.


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Canada’s ‘fuehrer’ dies at 67

<b>Adrien Arcand</b><br/>”<i>Jewish danger</i>”

Adrien Arcand
Jewish danger

FOREWORD:  I’ve chosen this article from The Ottawa Citizen of Wednesday, August 2nd, 1967, because unlike many of the press accounts of Arcand’s passing, this one seems to be a little bit respectful and a bit more realistic.  Today is June 16th, 2020; i’m backdating its publishing to 24 February 2020, back-to-back with the existing post on Arcand’s Last Will and Testament.

Adrien Arcand in the post-war years

Adrien Arcand in the post-war years

This one, like other articles over the years of coverage, calls him “gaunt”. Arcand had somewhat frail health all his life.  After nine months bedridden as a youth, he survived a deadly Spanish influenza epidemic, which undoubtedly took a toll on his health.  In his younger photos, Arcand is not gaunt.  But, in the Great Depression when so many others also were gaunt, he appears gaunt while leading his political parties.  He was gaunt on emerging from a 5-year and 5-week stint in Canadian concentration camps where the fare was not elegant; and he also, while in the camps, survived an attempt on his life, apparently by poisoning, which may have led to his cancer later in life.  In the years before his 1960 surgery for cancer, Arcand appears more like himself, with flesh on his bones and his cheeks filled out.  As the 1960s progressed, he became gaunt again, obviously while dying from cancer.

I make these observations because it often seems to me that authors draw attention to his physical appearance as though his gauntness were grounds for a slur against him.  In fact, it more likely proves his extraordinary stamina, in spite of the difficult and demanding life he led, and all the assaults on his health over the years.


Canada’s ‘fuehrer’ dies at 67

THE OTTAWA CITIZEN, WEDNESDAY, 2 AUGUST 1967, PAGE 23


MONTREAL (CP) — Adrien Arcand, 67, wartime leader of Canada’s Fascist-like National Unity party, who spent a lifetime warning about a “Jewish danger,” died Tuesday in hospital after a six-month illness.

His proud boast once was that he would march his blue-shirted legions to Ottawa in 1940 and take control of the country.  But Arcand, branded the “Canadian fuehrer,” was arrested at the outbreak of the Second World War and spent five years in a concentration camp.

The gaunt, intense man first attracted national attention in 1938 when his party came into the open.  Membership at the beginning was claimed to be over 100,000.  Thousands crammed public rallies in Montreal to hear him.

He was a dazzling speaker, leaping over the centuries of history to illustrate a point with a reference to some English King, discussing some minor figure of the Russian revolution; then switching to present-day Canada.

The National Unity party still exists.  But there is no evidence its influence or following is more than negligible.

Sunday, 14 November 1965:  Adrien Arcand’s last public appearance:  “Work, Sacrifice, Honor”

Foreword

The Quebec Archives (La Bibliothèque et Archives Nationales du Québec) have digitized the great Quebec dailies.  You can search and read them online for free!  An astonishing historical record is just a few clicks away.

I decided to see what might be online about Adrien Arcand.  I searched google for “BAnQ numérique” and “La Presse”, and this url came up:  “La Presse – Liste de résultats | BAnQ numérique”.  http://numerique.banq.qc.ca/resultats

Banque numérique, La Presse, Adrien Arcand


I clicked on that, which brought up the BAnQ numérique with sample results on a search for LA PRESSE.  I typed “Adrien Arcand” into the search box, top-right, and issues of LA PRESSE on a wide range of dates came up, discussing Arcand (above).  I was delighted to find an account of Adrien Arcand’s last public appearance at the Paul Sauvé Center.  I have translated the article for you, adding a picture of Robert Winters and a couple of footnotes.  I hope you enjoy it!

Keep in mind, Adrien Arcand was dying of cancer when he summoned up the will to make a last presentation to his friends and followers.

Work Sacrifice Honor 14 Nov 1965

WORK, SACRIFICE, HONOR …                                                 photo LA PRESSE
About 700 people paid an entrance fee of $3.50 last night to see and applaud the leader of the National Unity Party of Canada, Adrien Arcand.  The meeting took place at the Paul Sauvé Center.  Mr. Arcand once again laid out the main lines of his thinking.  (See page 13)
 
TRAVAIL, SACRIFICE, HONNEUR …                                           photo LA PRESSE
Environ 700 personnes ont payé, hier soir, un droit d’entrée de $3.50 pour voir et applaudir le chef du Parti de l’unité nationale du Canada, Adrien Arcand.  Le meeting s’est déroulé au centre Paul Sauvé.  M. Arcand a exposé de nouveau les lignes maîtresses de sa pensée.  (Voir en page 13)

Robert Henry Winters, PC

The Honourable Robert Henry Winters, PC, MSc, LL.D. Photo courtesy of Library and Archives Canada, reproduction reference LAC|PA-047511|3643405

Robert Henry WINTERS was a politician and businessman born in Lunenburg, Nova Scotia on August 18th, 1910 and died in Monterey, California on October 10th, 1969.

Elected to the House of Commons in 1945, he sat as a Liberal from Lunenberg.  He was re-elected in 1949 and again in 1953.  Served as a member of the federal Cabinet from 1948 à 1957.  Defeated in the elections of 1957, he went into business for himself.  Urged by Lester Pearson, he returned to politics and was elected in 1965 from York West and appointed Minister of Commerce.

He was narrowly defeated by Pierre Elliot TRUDEAU in the leadership race of the Liberal Party following the resignation of Pearson and his retirement from politics.

750 people pay to attend a meeting of the fascist Adrien Arcand at Paul-Sauvé Center

750 personnes paient pour assister à un meeting du fasciste Adrien Arcand au Centre Paul-Sauvé

BY – PAR YVES LECLERC, LA PRESSE, MONTREAL, 15 NOV. 1965

Adrien Arcand - One proof of the Jewish conspiracy

Adrien Arcand:  “Proof of the Jewish conspiracy?  Robert Winters, a newly elected MP and Rothschild power backer in Canada, will be Pearson’s successor! … ”
 
Adrien Arcand:  “Une preuve de la conspiration juive?  Robert Winters, nouveau deputé, suppôt de puissance des Rothschild au Canada, sera le successeur de Pearson!…

Plus de 700 partisans ou amis du “Parti de l’Unité Nationale du Canada” ont déboursé $3.50 chacun pour assister à un banquet organisé par le parti en l’honneur du chef fasciste canadien Adrien Arcand.

More than 700 supporters or friends of the “National Unity Party of Canada” paid $3.50 each to attend a party banquet in honor of Canadian fascist leader Adrien Arcand.

L’occasion : 25ème anniversaire de l’internement d’Arcand et de ses principaux lieutenants dans un camp de prisonniers pendant la Deuxième guerre mondiale.

The occasion: 25th anniversary of the internment of Arcand and his principal lieutenants in a prison camp during the Second World War.

L’endroit : une salle du Centre Paul-Sauvé, décorée pour la circonstance de deux séries de bannières et d’un drapeau portant le nouveau symbole du PUNC : sur fond bleu et blanc, la croix blanche de Carillon, la croix rouge celtique et la Fleur de lys. Un groupe de jeunes gens portant le brassard du parti assuraient le service d’ordre, et à l’arrière, on vendait les oeuvres d’Arcand, dont son dernier livre “A bas la haine”, ainsi que quelques brochures aux titres évocateurs : “L’admirable juif maître chez nous”,1 “The Jewish question”, “La république universelle”, etc. …

The place:  a room in the Paul-Sauvé Center, decorated for the occasion with two series of banners and a flag bearing the new symbol of the NUPC:  on a blue and white background, the white cross of Carillon, the Celtic red cross and the lily.  A group of young people wearing the party armband were in charge of order, and at the back, Arcand’s works were sold, including his latest book “Down With Hate”, as well as a few brochures with evocative titles:  “Our admirable Jewish Master”1, “The Jewish Question”, “The Universal Republic”, etc. …

Le Public

The Public

L’auditoire était composé d’une majorité de Canadiens-français, d’une cinquantaine de Torontois membres du parti, de petites délégations de Néo-Canadiens, Allemands, Polonais, Italiens, Ukrainiens, etc. … et de quelques membres du clergé, dont un à la table d’honneur.

The audience was made up of a majority of French-Canadians, around fifty Torontonians who are party members, small delegations of New Canadians, Germans, Poles, Italians, Ukrainians, etc. … and a few members of the clergy, including one at the head table.

On remarquait en particulier la présence du fils de M. Réal Caouette, Gilles, candidat défait dans Labelle, et celle d’un candidat progressiste-conservateur dans Maisonneuve-Rosemont défait à la dernière élection, M. Jean Jodoin.

We noted in particular the presence of the son of Mr. Réal Caouette, Gilles, a candidate defeated in Labelle, and that of a progressive-conservative candidate in Maisonneuve-Rosemont defeated in the last election, Mr. Jean Jodoin.

Le complot juif

The Jewish Plot

Adrien Arcand a d’abord parlé quelques minutes en anglais, pour le bénefice des invités torontois, puis il s’est lancé dans le récit de ce qu’il a appelé son emprisonnement injuste de mai 1940 à juillet ’45.

Adrien Arcand first spoke a few minutes in English, for the benefit of the Toronto guests, then he embarked on the story of what he called his unjust imprisonment from May 1940 to July ’45.

A son avis, ce geste inique envers des gens dont on ne pouvait mettre en doute le patriotisme, puisqu’ils avaient offert au gouvernement de lui fournir quatre régiments bien entrainés et encadrés (les fameuses “chemises bleues” d’avant-guerre), était le fait de la juiverie internationale, cause aussi de tous les problèmes du Parti de l’Unité Nationale depuis sa fondation.

In his opinion, this unfair gesture towards people whose patriotism could not be in doubt, since they had offered to the government to provide it with four well-trained and supervised regiments (the famous pre-war “blue shirts”), was the doing of international Jewry, also the cause of all the problems of the National Unity Party of Canada since its foundation.

Ce n’est d’ailleurs là qu’un tort des Juifs qui, selon lui, ont monté une vaste conspiration pour miner et détruire la civilisation occidentale et chrétienne, ce chef-d’oeuvre de la pensée humaine dont son parti s’affirme un fervent défenseur.

This, moreover, is but a wrong of the Jews who, in his view, have mounted a vast conspiracy to undermine and destroy Western and Christian civilization, this masterpiece of human thought of which his Party affirms itself an ardent defender.

La defense de l’Occident

Defense of the West

Rejetant les accusations d’hitlérisme et de nazisme portées contre lui, Adrien Arcand a cependant rappelé que dès 1934 il avait sonné l’alarme et prédit une guerre prochaine “menée par les Juifs et pour les Juifs, dans le but évident d’affaiblir l’Occident chrétien”.

Rejecting the accusations of Hitlerism and Nazism brought against him, Adrien Arcand recalled, however, that as early as 1934 he had sounded the alarm and predicted an upcoming war “waged by the Jews and for the Jews, with the obvious aim of weakening the Christian West”.

Il s’agirait donc d’un immense complot, d’un tragédie en trois actes, dont le premier aurait été la guerre de 14-18, le deuxième celle de 39-45, et le troisième, après deux entractes de 20 ans, sera une nouvelle guerre mondiale, ou bien une guerre civile à l’échelle de la planète.

It would thus be an immense conspiracy, a tragedy in three acts, the first of which was the war of 14-18, the second that of 39-45, and the third, after two intermissions of 20 years, will be a new world war, or a civil war on a planetary scale.

Une preuve ?  Robert Winters, nouvellement député, est la dépositaire au Canada de la puissance des Rothschilds.2  Il sera probablement le successeur de Lester Pearson …

Proof?  Robert Winters, a newly elected Member of Parliament, is the depository in Canada of the power of the Rothschilds.2  He will probably be the successor to Lester Pearson …

Comme barrière contre ce diabolique assaut, Arcand et le PUNC proposent le “corporatisme”, une division du peuple en classes sociales plutôt qu’en partis politiques. Ce système protégerait d’ailleurs la propriété et l’initiative privée, source selon eux de tout progrès, ainsi que le prouve l’exemple des USA depuis un siècle.

As a barrier against this diabolical assault, Arcand and the PUNC propose “corporatism”, a division of the people into social classes rather than political parties.  This system would also protect property and private initiative, which they believe is the source of all progress, as the example of the United States has shown for a century.

Le Concile
et les Juifs

The Vatican Council
and the Jews

Pour rassurer les fidèles contre le doute insidieux, Adrien Arcand a expliqué fort sérieusement que le décret du Concile sur les religions non-chrétiennes est en réalité une condamnation du Judaïsme :

To reassure the faithful against creeping doubt, Adrien Arcand explained very seriously that the decree of the Council on non-Christian religions is actually a condemnation of Judaism:

“En effet, dit-il, les Pères affirment les droits sacrés de la personne humaine douée d’une âme spirituelle.  Or, le Talmud hébraïque dit que l’homme est un animal !  Vous voyez !”

“In effect,” says he, “the Fathers affirm the sacred rights of the human person endowed with a spiritual soul.  Now, the Hebrew Talmud says that man is an animal!   Do you see!”

“Le Concile dit aussi que le peuple juif dans son ensemble ne peut être accusé de la mort du Christ.  Bien sûr, puisque les douze apôtres, les 72 disciples et tous les premiers chrétiens étaient des Juifs!” C.Q.F.D.

“The Council also says that the Jewish people as a whole cannot be accused of the death of Christ.  Of course, since the twelve apostles, the 72 disciples and all the first Christians were Jews!” C.Q.F.D.

Le chef du PUNC a donc conclu qu’il faut instaurer le corporatisme partout dans l’Ouest, appuyer sans défaillance les États-Unis, dernier bastion de notre civilisation, et denoncer la conspiration juive.  C’est ainsi que l’Occident sera sauvé des barbares.

The leader of the NUPC therefore concluded that it is necessary to establish corporatism everywhere in the West, to support the United States without fail, the last bastion of our civilization, and to expose the Jewish conspiracy.  This is how the West will be saved from the barbarians.

__________
1.  La brochure mentionnée, «L’admirable juif maître chez nous», semble être un essai inconnu d’Arcand.  À moins qu’il ne se trouve quelque part parmi les articles de ses différentes revues imprimées.  Si vous l’avez, envoyez-moi une copie, je dois la traduire.  Je lui ai donné un titre provisoire en anglais pour le présent article de La Presse:  «Our admirable Jewish Master».

__________
1.  The pamphlet referred to, “L’admirable juif maître chez nous”, seems to be an unknown essay by Arcand.  Unless it can be found somewhere among the articles in his various print journals.  If you have it, please send me a copy, I need to translate it.  I’ve given it a provisional title in English for the present La Presse article:  “Our admirable Jewish Master”.

2.  Pourquoi Arcand a-t-il lié Robert Winters à Rothschild?  Peut-être une partie de la réponse se trouve dans un livre en ligne, Joey Smallwood:  Schemer and Dreamer de Ray Argyle.  Argyle déclare :  «Robert Henry Winters, un ingénieur né en Nouvelle-Écosse qui avait été ministre du Cabinet sous Louis St. Laurent, a perdu son siège lors des élections de 1957 qui ont mis John Diefenbaker au pouvoir.  Belle figure athlétique d’un homme, il a choisi parmi de nombreuses offres d’emploi pour devenir président de Rio Tinto Mining, la société Rothschild qui détenait des actions de BRINCO.  Le défi de Churchill Falls s’est avéré trop grand pour être ignoré, et en juin 1963, il en est devenu le président et a entrepris d’organiser le plus grand développement industriel de l’histoire du Canada — un projet de 1,5 milliard de dollars qui produirait plus de cinq mille mégawatts d’électricité.  C’était une entreprise plus grande que la construction du chemin de fer canadien du Pacifique ou de la voie maritime du Saint-Laurent.»

2.  Why did Arcand link Robert Winters with Rothschild? Perhaps a part of the answer may be found in a book online, Joey Smallwood: Schemer and Dreamer by Ray Argyle.  Argyle states:  “Robert Henry Winters, a Nova Scotia-born engineer who had been a Cabinet minister under Louis St. Laurent, lost his seat in the 1957 election that put John Diefenbaker in office.  A handsome, athletic figure of a man, he chose from among many job offers to become chairman of Rio Tinto Mining, the Rothschild company that held shares in BRINCO.  The challenge of Churchill Falls proved too great to ignore, and in June 1963, he became its chairman and set out to organize the biggest industrial development in Canadian history — a $1.5-billion project that would produce more than five thousand megawatts of power.  It was an undertaking bigger than the building of either the Canadian Pacfic Railway or the St. Lawrence Seaway.”

Dans le chapitre «At Loggerheads and Waterfalls», nous obtenons un peu plus d’informations sur la connexion Rothschild.

In the chapter “At Loggerheads and Waterfalls”, we get a bit more insight into the Rothschild connection.

«Alors que l’avion volait en cercles étroits, Joey Smallwood a regardé la grande rivière dégringoler d’un plateau rocheux, s’écraser sur un précipice de soixante-quinze mètres et se diriger vers la mer du Labrador, à des centaines de kilomètres à l’est.  Il n’oublierait jamais cette première vue des chutes Churchill, qui était arrivée en 1950, un jour idyllique où le bref été du nord avait illuminé la toundra de fleurs sauvages.  Il était enchanté par la vue d’une des merveilles naturelles du monde, mais son esprit était rempli de pensées sur la façon dont cette vaste cascade, une fois et demie aussi haute que Niagara, pouvait être exploitée pour le pouvoir. Il était convaincu que cela rendrait Terre-Neuve riche.

“As the plane flew in narrowing circles, Joey Smallwood watched the great river tumble out of a rocky plateau, crash over a seventy-five-metre precipice, and churn its way toward the Labrador Sea, hundreds of kilometers to the east.  He would never forget this first view of Churchill Falls, which had comein 1950, on an idyllic day when the brief northern summer had brightened the tundra with wildflowers.  He was enchanted by the sight of one of the natural wonders of the world, but his mind was filled with thoughts of how this vast waterfall, one-and-a-half times as high as Niagara, could be harnessed for power.  He was convinced it would make Newfoundland rich.

Deux ans plus tard, Joey se retrouve dans la salle du Cabinet du n° 10 Downing Street à Londres, face à Winston Churchill, à nouveau Premier ministre après six ans dans un désert politique d’après-guerre.  Joey a déroulé une grande carte — voyagerait-il jamais sans? — montrant les plis et les rebondissements de la campagne brute du Labrador.  “C’est un Empire en soi, monsieur, et c’est britannique”, lui a dit Joey.  Elle avait besoin d’une grande nouvelle société de développement pour que sa richesse soit un jour pleinement exploitée.  Quelque chose comme la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson ou la Compagnie des Indes orientales, des noms qui ont résonné à travers l’histoire britannique.  Pendant que Joey parlait, le vieux bouledogue derrière le bureau s’est réchauffé à l’idée.  “Un grand concept impérial”, a-t-il déclaré.  Quelques jours plus tard, Smallwood a présenté le plan à un déjeuner d’hommes d’affaires britanniques.  Ils en ont été captivés.  Les médias londoniens ont été emportés par l’excitation. «LABRADOR CALLING BRETAIN», titrait le Daily Mail.

Two years later, Joey found himself in the Cabinet room of No. 10 Downing Street in London, facing Winston Churchill, once again prime minister after six years in a postwar political wilderness.  Joey unrolled a large map — would he ever travel without one? — showing the folds and twists of the raw Labrador countryside.  “This is an Empire in itself, sir, and it’s British,” Joey told him.  It needed a great new development company if its wealth was ever to be fully tapped.  Something like the Hudson’s Bay Company or the East India Company, names that resounded through British history.  As Joey talked, the old bulldog behind the desk warmed to the idea.  “A great Imperial concept,” he pronounced.  A few days later, Smallwood took the scheme to a luncheon meeting of British businessmen.  They were enthralled by it.  The London media were swept up in the excitement.  “LABRADOR CALLING BRITAIN,” the Daily Mail  headlined.

L’approbation de Churchill était suffisante pour gagner pour Smallwood l’attention de la Chambre des Rothschild, la grande maison bancaire britannique dirigée par Antony et Edmund de Rothschild.  Des investisseurs internationaux ont réclamé de faire partie de la British Newfoundland Development Corporation (BRINCO), créée par une loi de la Chambre d’assemblée de Terre-Neuve le 31 mars 1953.  Avec sa charte, 150 000 kilomètres carrés riches en minerai, en bois et en eau.  Rothschild est devenu un actionnaire important par l’intermédiaire de Rio Tinto Co., son géant minier international.  Les autres grands investisseurs étaient Prudential Insurance, Bowater Corporation, Suez Canal Company, Bowring & Company of Newfoundland, la Banque de Montréal et la Banque Royale du Canada.»

Churchill’s endorsement was sufficient to gain Smallwood the attention of the House of Rothschild, the great British banking house headed by Antony and Edmund de Rothschild.  International investors clamoured to be part of the British Newfoundland Development Corporation (BRINCO), established by an act of the Newfoundland House of Assembly on March 31, 1953.  With its charter went rights to 150,000 square kilometers rich in ore, timber, and water power.  Rothschild became a major shareholder through the Rio Tinto Co., its international mining giant.  Other big investors were Prudential Insurance, Bowater Corporation, Suez Canal Company, Bowring & Company of Newfoundland, the Bank of Montreal, and the Royal Bank of Canada.”

Soldier of Christ, an update:  A Papal Encyclical motivated Arcand’s political fight

FOOTNOTE 11 UPDATED 4 DEC 2019

Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio (1922)
Urges Catholic Laity to spread the Faith

Adrien Arcand, a handsome young officer

Adrien Arcand, a handsome young officer.  There’s an inscription in English to his wife written at an angle across the photo.  It seems to say:  “For my darling little wife, all my thoughts and my life.  Adrien”.

For my English translation of Arcand’s Inevitability of a Social Reconstruction, I tracked down, quite by luck, the origin in a papal encyclical, Rerum Novarum, of the two-paragraph quote that begins the pamphlet.  Thus, the influence of papal encyclicals on Arcand’s political views became more apparent.

Today, I will do something different.  I will explain Adrien Arcand’s political action by the existence of another encyclical, this one from 1922.  I will demonstrate that a post-WWI encyclical of Pope Pius XI, Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio, provides the “legal authority” (the legislative authority of the Catholic Church) that underpins the spiritually motivated political activity of this devout French-Canadian Catholic.

Said author, Jean Côté:

“Judging from all his writings, Adrien Arcand … was more of a missionary who had strayed into politics, a soldier of Christ … He had the feeling and the certitude that through his speeches he was transmitting authentic and indestructible values.”1

There may be more involved than Arcand’s personal “feeling and certitude”.  A command from the Catholic Church appears to have summoned Arcand to his political objectives, and above all inspired his construction of a new constitutional order without political parties.  An interesting statement in a doctoral thesis online gives a meaningful context to Arcand’s religious-political action in his time.  Thesis author, Peter Ernest Baltutis, points out:

“Depression-era Quebec also provided fertile soil for the Catholic Action movement, an organized apostolate of young lay men and women.  In 1922, Pope Pius XI issued the encyclical Ubi Arcano Dei, which organized Catholic laity, under the close supervision of the bishops, to actively spread Catholic values and political ideals through secular society.” 2

But, the Great Depression era is Arcand’s day, Arcand’s Quebec!

Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio3 is a post-war encyclical in the aftermath of World War I.  It is long, and commences with an account of the suffering of those defeated, that of the victors and that of the neutral States.  It is a call to the Laity to spread the Love of Christ in a war-torn world to prevent another war and secure world peace.

Ubi Arcano Dei helps to explain the political action of Arcand and his yearning for a constitution for Canada to bring about the Kingdom of Christ on Earth.  It helps to explain his urgent personal and political action in an effort to warn a naive world that World War II was on the way:

“For several months prior to the Second World War (Sept. 3, 1939), the National Unity Party of Canada campaigned against “a plot to impose a new world war upon humanity…”4

Monsignor Georges Gauthier, Auxiliary Bishop of Montreal (1912)

Monsignor Georges Gauthier, Auxiliary Bishop of Montreal (1912)

We know from Arcand’s correspondence (what little remains after the mass destructive raids of the ‘liberal’ government in 1940) that Arcand closely collaborated with his local priests and bishops.  He sought their help and advice; he fulfilled their requests for action.  Arcand responded to Monsignor Georges Gauthier, the Auxiliary Bishop of Montreal, to fight the unconstitutional Jewish Schools law of 1930.  Quebec historian Robert Rumilly reports,5 in an excerpt from my exclusive English translation (upcoming in a big historical anthology of Arcand’s 1930 public talk, “Christian or Jew?”):

“So, Mgr. Gauthier exerts more influence than it seems.  But this time, the public gesture seems necessary.  Bishop Gauthier reads and comments on his letter (to Premier Taschereau) during a ceremony at Saint Joseph’s Oratory.  He reads and comments with the intensity natural and appropriate to his sacred character.  On the other hand, he enlists a young journalist, Adrien Arcand, collaborator in Joseph Menard’s little newspapers, to fight (the Jewish Schools) bill —

As late as 1965, Arcand’s A Bas La Haine! is linguistically checked by a priest before publication.6

By October of 1966, the “influential bishops” of Quebec7 were Georges-Léon Pelletier (Three Rivers), Charles-Eugène Parent (Rimouski); Georges Cabana (Sherbrooke), and Paul Bernier (Gaspe), known as the “intégristes” (to borrow a term from constitutional law, we might call them “originalists”) because of their rigid opposition to change in the Catholic Church (one wonders what they thought of the far-left Vatican II, although, of course, Arcand in A Bas La Haine! was not about to admit the “change”); and lastly, Canon Lionel Groulx who inspired the “achat chez nous” campaign, a boycott of Jewish merchants promoted by Arcand with cartoons and editorials.

Where did this collaboration come from between Arcand and the bishops?

I believe it came from Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio, the first encyclical of Pope Pius XI, delivered in Rome at St. Peter’s on 23 December 1922, calling for “Catholic action” by the laity under close supervision by the bishops:

58.  Tell your faithful children of the laity that when, united with their pastors and their bishops, they participate in the works of the apostolate, both individual and social, the end purpose of which is to make Jesus Christ better known and better loved, then they are more than ever “a chosen generation, a kingly priesthood, a holy nation, a purchased people,” of whom St. Peter spoke in such laudatory terms.  (I Peter ii, 9)  Then, too, they are more than ever united with Us and with Christ, and become great factors in bringing about world peace because they work for the restoration and spread of the Kingdom of Christ.  Only in this Kingdom of Christ can we find that true human equality by which all men are ennobled and made great by the selfsame nobility and greatness, for each is ennobled by the precious blood of Christ.  As for those who are in authority, they are, according to the example of our Lord Jesus Christ, but ministers of the good, servants of the servants of God, particularly of the sick and of those in need.

Adrien Arcand relied on other encyclicals, including Rerum Novarum, when he designed his “Canadian Corporatism,” also called Catholic Corporatism.  He quoted the encyclicals, or echoed their commands in many of his writings.  In his correspondence, Arcand refers to Saint Thomas Aquinas (not to Hitler!) for his political doctrine on unitary or undivided leadership.  (See Arcand’s letter of 13 June 1963 to Hon. Daniel Johnson, Q.C., Leader of the Opposition:  “Do we see an assistant Pope in the Church, an assistant Colonel in a regiment, an assistant Commander aboard a ship, etc.?”)  Pius XI recommends Aquinas in his Ubi Arcano Dei of 1922 where he also underscores the extreme danger posed by political parties.

If we combine Rerum Novarum, the encyclical of Leo XIII in 1891 with the encyclical of Pius XI in 1922, Ubi Arcano Dei, we have the Catholic foundation for Adrien Arcand’s “missionary” work in Quebec and federal politics.

In Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio, Pius XI warns about the added “evils” of:

“… contests between political parties, many of which struggles do not originate in a real difference of opinion concerning the public good or in a laudable and disinterested search for what would best promote the common welfare, but in the desire for power and for the protection of some private interest which inevitably result in injury to the citizens as a whole.  From this course there often arise robberies of what belongs rightly to the people, and even conspiracies against and attacks on the supreme authority of the state, as well as on its representatives.  These political struggles also beget threats of popular action and, at times, eventuate in open rebellion and other disorders which are all the more deplorable and harmful since they come from a public to whom it has been given, in our modern democratic states, to participate in very large measure in public life and in the affairs of government.  Now, these different forms of government are not of themselves contrary to the principles of the Catholic Faith, which can easily be reconciled with any reasonable and just system of government.  Such governments, however, are the most exposed to the danger of being overthrown by one faction or another.”

Arcand then writes, under the heading “Destruction of the Pork Barrel,” in Canadian Corporatism, his plan to restructure Canada:

“As Parliament will be composed of representatives of the great classes of the nation and as there will be no more political parties, as the political ideal will be completely changed, there will be no longer any ‘Pork-Barrel,’ any palm-greasing, any partisan patronage.”

Arcand would thus have done away with “robberies of what belongs rightly to the people.”

On another page of Canadian Corporatism, Arcand says:

“The political parties which divide the nation into artificial and useless factions will be all abolished.  There will be only one single political party, the Canadian nation.  All Canadians will be part of it.  The nationalist system in power will recognize no opposition.”

Goodbye factions, goodbye revolution, goodbye risk of overthrow, all of them “evils” warned against by Pius XI.  Stability would be established by means of undivided unity, and undivided leadership as per Thomas Aquinas.  Leadership, not dictatorship; because in Arcand’s corporate system, the top merely ratifies and sees to enforcement of what the social classes themselves decide.

He concludes:

“The government will be truly national, the government of all the people, and it will concern itself with the whole people.”

Elsewhere, Arcand notes:

“Parliamentarianism is not liberal democracy.  The parliament, consultation, discussion existed long centuries before the arrival of liberal democracy.  Formerly parliaments were really national.  With liberal democracy, we have had only partisan or factional parliaments, representing only part of the people, while the other part, defeated in the elections, was punished by the privations of political or parliamentary opposition.”

Arcand then inquires:

“By what shall we replace the system which is slowly foundering in corruption and falsehood?”

It is incredible that Arcand knew Parliament had once been unitary.  It had been, and still is supposed to be, a circle  of advisers to the King.  He probably became aware of it through the Popes, for I am pretty sure he never studied the Constitution.  Pius XI refers to “modern democracies,” emphasizing the danger of “factions”.

Arcand then contrasts the totalitarian system wanted by the Communists with the Catholic-inspired system that he recommends, making it obvious that he doesn’t view his own system as a dictatorship:

“The disciples of the Jew Karl Marx propose the mischievous doctrine of this false prophet under various names:  socialistm, communism, bolshevism, sovietism, anarchy, popular front.  It is materialism pushed to its final conclusions.  It is, moreover, the dictatorship of one class over all the other classes.  It is the definite destruction of Christianity by destroying that which supports the ideas of God, religion, family, private property, initiative, social justice, order, morality, and spiritual values.”4

My very first impression was that Arcand’s desire to eliminate political parties was an attack on the Constitution, a coup d’état.  And since I am sure he didn’t study the Constitution, I thought he didn’t realize what he was doing.  However, I have changed my mind, at least to some degree.

Arcand may have been right about eliminating political parties.  The only question being the process by which he would accomplish his turn-about back to a unitary Parliament.  (We also have the problem of parties in the Provinces; in order to avoid the equivalent of a coup, they would have to be retained, with local unitary governments.)

The doctrine of laches  in Canadian constitutional law allows the correction of constitutional errors at any time; there is no “prescription,” no expiry date after which a constitutional mistake is no longer correctable.  The error never becomes “constitutional” by neglect to deal with it.  In other words, a violation of the Constitution never becomes constitutional.

We had an example of this fact in the Manitoba Language Rights Reference of 1985,8 but I cite the example with caution because procedurally, it was not correct; the “declarations” made by the “court” were not declaratory of the law; they were made in the course of a mere advisory (also called a reference; like the 1998 Secession Reference).  Advisories are non-judicial, so that no binding declaration of law can be made.  Nonetheless, in 1985, a constitutional error over 90 years old was deemed to have been corrected; although, again, genuine litigation and not a mere advisory would be needed to do it.  (One would also have to be under the right Constitution at the time; for, as Judge Brian Dickson, who sat on the fraudulent “Patriation Reference”9 would have known, and as Barry Lee Strayer admitted in 1982 in his Cronkite Lectures,10 Canada had a coup d’état in 1982, not a “constitutional amendment”.

So, if Arcand had gone about it with, say, a declaration from an appropriate court stating that political parties are not constitutional, and he then sought a constitutional amendment  to expressly rectify the Constitution, it might not have been a coup d’état, but the correction of an error, if he could prove the error.

How could Arcand begin to prove the error?

At page 24 of Defence of the Realm11 ― produced under supervision of the late Leolin Price CBE, QC, and published by The Magna Carta Society (United Kingdom) ― the question is put like this:

“The modern disproportionate dominance of the elected House of Commons over the sovereignty of the people, and the erosion of constitutional checks and balances, were first given serious encouragement by Lord Mansfield, a Scottish Jacobite who became Lord Chief Justice of England in the 18th century.  Despite Blackstone’s12 observations, he had no problem with an executive operating within the legislature.

The institutions and practices which have grown up since that time ― collective cabinet responsibility, organised political parties, career politicians, and the whip system which denies politicians the freedom to vote according to their conscienceare not based on legislation, nor on common law, nor on the law and custom of parliament.

Sir Ivor Jennings pointed out in Law and the Constitution that these conventions had never been formally recognised by parliament or the courts.  The courts recognised a constitution based primarily on the Bill of Rights.”

To this, I add a source I have quoted elsewhere in this blog, Lord Shaw of Dunfermline in Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants v. Osborne, [1910] AC 87:

“Take the testing instance:  should his view as to right and wrong on a public issue as to the true line of service to the realm, as to the real interests of the constituency which has elected him, or even of the society which pays him, differ from the decision of the parliamentary party and the maintenance by it of its policy, he has come under a contract to place his vote and action into subjection not to his own convictions, but to their decisions.  My Lords, I do not think that such a subjection is compatible either with the spirit of our parliamentary constitution or with that independence and freedom which have hitherto been held to lie at the basis of representative government in the United Kingdom.”  (Emphases added.)

If, indeed, political parties are unconstitutional, since they violate the basic principle of the independence of the member of Parliament, and the other principle of the unity of Parliament, there necessarily is a way to restore the proper constitution of Parliament.

Lord Shaw’s rather more “contemporary” observation that political parties are not a part of the true constitution of the United Kingdom brings to mind Adrien Arcand’s “Key to the Mystery”.  The Paris edition of 1939 republished the 1938 edition from Montreal, Canada which appeared under the signature and patronage of the Anticommunist Women’s League of Montreal, one of Arcand’s organizations.

The Paris Edition13, at page 8, says (translation):

“In its issue of July 1st, 1880, ‘Le Contemporain’, the great Paris review, published a long article entitled ‘Report of Sir John Readcliff on the politico-historical events of the last ten years.’  It was the text of a speech given at Prague by Rabbi Reichorn in 1869 on the tomb of the great Rabbi Simeon-Ben-Jehouda.”

Further below, Reichorn is quoted in the section ‘A Jewish Plan for World Conquest’ (translation):

“With untiring praise for the democratic regime, we will divide the Christians into political parties, we will destroy the unity of their nations, we will sow discord among them.  Powerless, they will suffer the law of our Bank, forever united, forever devoted to our cause.”

Arcand had not only the Church to motivate his political redesign, but the boast of Rabbi Reichorn that it was the Jews who had somehow divided Parliament in the first place.  And that would be the Parliament in England; for research indicates the first parties emerged in England and “modern democracy” spread from there.

The speech quoted by Readcliff was given in 1869, two years after Confederation, at which time we indeed had political parties.  Lord Mansfield, referred to in Defence of the Realm was active in the previous century.  The Reichorn speech was a ritual repetition of a speech delivered at hundred-year intervals.  That means there must have been a basic text, updated with news at each reading.  This might account for the future tense, “we will divide,” “we will destroy”; which implies that an earlier text predates political parties.

A fascinating article, “The Origin of English Political Parties” by W.C. Abbott in The American Historical Review, Vol. 24, No. 4 (July, 1919), pp. 578-602 (25 pages) (you can find it at JSTOR), supports the idea that parties emerged first in England at the time of the Reformation.  See pages 583-584.

Arcand, who viewed the Reformation as a product of Jewish influence, would be deeply interested.  For, we would then have both the splitting of the Catholic Church and the splitting of our unitary Parliament in the same era by the same aggressor, if Rabbi Reichorn is believed.

In the section “Judaisation through the Reformation” (“Judaïsation par la Réforme”) in his book, Is Christianity Bankrupt? (1954), Arcand writes:

Des chercheurs anglais — chose curieuse, ils sont protestants — se sont dépensés pour trouver l’origine véritable des hérésies qui ont affligé l’Eglise du Christ depuis ses débuts, depuis le simonisme jusqu’à la toute récente secte des Témoins de Jéhovah, en passant par l’arianisme, le manichéisme, le nestorianisme, le catharisme des Albigeois et combien d’autres et leurs statistiques révèlent qu’au moins 95% de ces déviations proviennent directement d’une action juive.  Ces auteurs présentent Calvin comme un Juif de père et mère ; quant à Luther, auteur de la grande Réforme, ils répètent à son sujet le vieil adage :  si Lyrus non lyrasset, Lutherus non saltasset, soulignant que le Nicolas de Lyre en question était un Juif voué à la destruction du christianisme.

English researchers — oddly enough, they are Protestants — have expended themselves to find the true origin of the heresies that have afflicted the Church of Christ from its beginnings, from Simonism to the very recent sect of Jehovah’s Witnesses, by way of Arianism, Manicheism, Nestorianism, the Catharism of the Albigensians, and countless others.  Their statistics reveal that at least 95% of these deviations are the direct result of a Jewish action.  These authors present Calvin as a Jew by both his father and his mother; as for Luther, the author of the great Reformation, they refer to him with the old adage:  si Lyrus non lyrasset, Lutherus non saltasset, emphasizing that the Nicolas of Lyre in question was a Jew dedicated to the destruction of Christianity.

Conclusions

Not only do we see the influence of Pius XI in Arcand’s desire to eliminate political parties, we see it in Arcand’s Miroir  editorials and his Goglu  cartoons of the 1930s.  The attack on corrupt politicians is unrelenting.

It is therefore unlikely that, as Côté said in 1994, Arcand was “more of a missionary who had strayed into politics”.  In the light of Ubi Arcano Dei, Arcand did not “stray” into politics; he strode soldierly, directly into it, determined to “actively spread Catholic values and political ideals” as the 1922 encyclical of Pius XI had summoned him to do.

It increasingly appears that Pierre Trépanier is right when he says of Arcand’s corporatism (translation):

“the single-party regime … would have been subordinated to divine law …. and to the teachings of the social doctrine of the Church.”

Trépanier concludes:

“The French-Canadian version of fascism would have been much closer to a sort of authoritarian and modern Christendom than to the Third Reich.”14

Arcand and the men and women who followed him, and who found themselves in the concentration camps of the “liberals” for doing so, were actively living their Catholic Faith when they formed political movements and local and national parties to preserve “Catholic values and political ideals” for the betterment of Canada.

They were also defending their constitutional right to a Christian Canada and a Catholic Quebec.  These rights were recognized first in the Treaty of Paris of February 10, 1763 at Article 4 (properly today called “Section 4”):

“His Britannick Majesty, on his side, agrees to grant the liberty of the Catholick religion to the inhabitants of Canada:  he will, in consequence, give the most precise and most effectual orders, that his new Roman Catholic subjects may profess the worship of their religion according to the rites of the Romish church, as far as the laws of Great Britain permit.”

The British North America Act of 1867 perfected and secured these religious rights by enacting for Quebec a separate Legislature for the local self-government of the Catholic French-Canadians.

Honorable Solicitor General Hector-Louis Langevin, 1865

Honorable Solicitor General Hector-Louis Langevin, 1865

On that score, the words of Solicitor-General Hector-Louis Langevin in the Debates on Confederation of 186515 make the purpose of Confederation clear, as viewed by the French-Canadians:

“We are considering the establishment of a Confederacy — with a Central Parliament and local parliaments.  The Central or Federal Parliament will have the control of all measures of a general character …, but all matters of local interest, all that relates to the affairs and rights of the different sections of the Confederacy [by sections, he means the Provinces] will be reserved for the control of the local parliaments ….  It will be the duty of the Central Government to see that the country prospers, but it will not be its duty to attack our religion, our institutions, or our nationality, which will be amply protected.”

These rights of the French-Canadians, as of all the Founders, are both religious and political.  Confederation would be worthless if the guarantee were not enforceable; which is the whole point of a constitution.  However, there is a catch.  You must learn your Constitution.  If Arcand had learned his Constitution, he might have enforced it on more than one occasion.
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1.  Jean Côté, Adrien Arcand : une grande figure de notre temps, 1994.  ISBN 2-9801677-3-8.
2.  Forging the Link between Faith and Development The History of the Canadian Catholic Organization for Development and Peace 1967-1982 by Peter Ernest Baltutis, doctoral thesis, Faculty of Theology, University of Saint Michael’s College and Historical Department, Toronto School of Theology (2012), p. 33.
3.  Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio, the first encyclical of his pontificate, delivered by Pope Pius Xi at Rome at St. Peter’s on 23 December 1922.  Read the English:  Encyclical Of Pope Pius XI On The Peace Of Christ in The Kingdom Of Christ, to Our Venerable Brethren The Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, And Other Ordinaries. In Peace And Communion With The Apostolic See.  Read the French:  Lettre Encyclique, Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio du Souverain Pontife Pie XI de La Paix Du Christ Dans Le Règne De Dieu.
4.  From “Synopsis of Facts and Events” in a draft dated 1957 of a “Memorandum and Request Re: Claims of Canadian Nationalists Against the Government of Canada for Unjust Internments Submitted by Adrien Arcand” to the federal government of Canada.
5.  “The Jewish Schools Affair (1928-1931),” an exclusive English translation for Adrien Arcand Books of “L’affaire des écoles juives (1928-1931)” by Robert Rumilly, published in the Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française  102 (1956):  222-233 by the Institut d’histoire de l’Amérique française.  The translation is part of an upcoming historical compendium.
6.  Jean Côté, Adrien Arcand : une grande figure de notre temps, 1994.  ISBN 2-9801677-3-8.
7.  Ibid.
8.  Reference re Manitoba Language Rights, [1985] 1 S.C.R. 721.
9.  Re:  Resolution to amend the Constitution, [1981] 1 S.C.R. 753.
10.  “Patriation and Legitimacy of the Canadian Constitution,” the Dean Emeritus F.C. Cronkite, Q.C., Memorial Lectures, Third Series, October 1982, delivered at the College of Law, University of Saskatchewan by Barry Lee Strayer, Q.C., Assistant Deputy Minister (Public Law) Department of Justice (Canada) barely six months after the so-called “patriation” of Canada’s constitution from United Kingdom.  In these lectures, Mr. Strayer admits the 1982 patriation was in fact a coup d’état.
11.  Defence of the Realm, A Summary of Evidence to Justify a Petition to The Queen, and Other Matters Regarding the Purported Imposition of Foreign Laws by the European Union on the United Kingdom,” Published by the Magna Carta Society.  First Edition, April 6, 2000; second reprinting June, 2000.  UPDATE 4 DEC 2019:  A scan of the original copy of DEFENCE OF THE REALM has now been placed online for the convenience of readers:  https://www.scribd.com/document/438304144/DEFENCE-OF-THE-REALM-A-Summary-of-Evidence-to-Justify-a-Petition-to-the-Queen.
12.  I think this may be what Price had in mind when referring to Blackstone:  “In all tyrannical governments the supreme magistracy, or the right of both making and of enforcing the laws, is vested in one and the same man, or one and the same body of men; and whenever these two powers are united together, there can be no public liberty. / The magistrate may enact tyrannical laws, and execute them in a tyrannical manner, since he is possessed, in quality of dispenser of justice, with all the power he as legislator thinks proper to give himself.”  (Emphases added.)  Commentaries on the Laws of England, an influential 18th Century treatise on the common law of England, originally published by the Clarendon Press at Oxford, 1765-1769.  (Quote is from the 1916 edition, Book One, pp. 146-147.  I may have modernized the English myself; I can’t find my copy of Blackstone right now to check.)
13.  La Clé du Mystère, F. de Boisjolin, Publisher.  Imprimerie Commerciale Yvetot. 1939.
14.  Trépanier, P. (1991). La religion dans la pensée d’Adrien ArcandLes Cahiers des dix, (46), 207–247. https://doi.org/10.7202/1015587ar
15.  Solicitor General Hector-Louis Langevin, Parliamentary Debates on the Subject Of The Confederation of the British North American Provinces, 3rd Session, 8th Provincial Parliament of Canada, pages 367-68 (bottom right) and elsewhere.  Also see Page 372 et seq.  While you’re at it, grab a free lesson on the Constitution for Dummies:  The Constitution 101:  Canadian Federalism and Self-Government for Dummies<; and in French:  La Constitution 101:  Le Fédéralisme canadien et l’autonomie pour les Nuls.

New eBook:  National Unity Party of Canada (NUPC) Internment Research 1940

  The PDF version is now online. It’s only 17 MB.  26 Sept. 2019.


This is a new type of eBook from Adrien Arcand Books.  This is bona fide, primary source, raw, declassified research material, authenticated by the Ottawa Archives.  Declassified except for parts that are still redacted.

NUPC Internment Archive (1940). Download it at Archive.org (The Internet Archive).

NUPC Internment Archive (1940).  Download it at Archive.org (The Internet Archive).


NUPC Internment Research 1940 (Cover)

NUPC Internment Archive (1940).  Download it at Archive.org (The Internet Archive).

These are just some of the declassified papers in Ottawa concerning the 1940 (illegal) internment of Adrien Arcand and his men.  We know from his Memorandum and Request (1957) that he was interned because Roosevelt (FDR) ordered it.  There’s a lot more material out there that needs to be included in this research.  I don’t have the budget for it all, just yet.

There is a bit of junk in this archive, not directly related to the internments.  For example, the RCMP memos on a Mr. J.C. MacCorkindale.  However, it is searchable.  The found searches are highlighted in red and yellow (see below).

Most of these documents are in English.  Most are by the federal government.  But you will notice that the Government of Quebec of that day also had a hand in the file, and did nothing for these innocent men — nothing that appears here, at any rate.  The Quebec government simply handed them over, denying Quebec had jurisdiction.

NUPC Internment Archive (1940). Download it at Archive.org (The Internet Archive).

NUPC Internment Archive (1940).  Download it at Archive.org (The Internet Archive).

This is a big download, 202 MB when zipped, and it may be a bit slow loading and working on your PC, if you have an old one like I do.  To try to keep the file-size down, the final eBook holds only 30 pages in memory at any time, so be patient while it loads.  Sometimes, the front cover may go white.  I don’t know what to do about it, you’ll just have to reload the execute file if you want to see the front cover again.

If you download via torrent, please seed for awhile, help to keep it out there for others.  Thank you.

Because of the size of the download, I’ve hosted it directly at the Internet Archive (Archive.org): “NUPC Internment Research 1940”.

So, download and enjoy this very unusual eBook of primary source material on the 1940 internment of Adrien Arcand and his men.  Please let me know if you have a problem downloading this file; or if there is any problem with the file once downloaded.  It’s an execute file, a flash flipbook.  In a day or two, I hope to be able to put up PDF and ePub, as well.

I chose the dark wood background for this eBook as reminiscent of the camps.  I hope you enjoy the effect.


My description of this item at Archive.org reads as follows:

NUPC, the “National Unity Party of Canada” and Adrien Arcand and his men are the subject of the present file of federal government of Canada and RCMP documents on their 1940 internments (without trial).  The internements were carried out on the orders of F.D.R., aka Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the American President of the day.  Arcand was warned of FDR’s demand for his internment by a spokesman sent to him in Montreal by Lord Lothian, British Ambassador in Washington some 30 days before the arrests took place. That information comes from Arcand’s own 1957 “Memorandum and Request” that you can read online at http://www.adrienarcandbooks.com or go directly to: https://downwithhate.wordpress.com/

It can therefore safely be assumed that Arcand and his men — who after the end of WWII, and even at the beginning, are known to be innocent of any charge at all — were FRAMED by the Federal Government of Canada to please an American President. Innocent men were interned for years, and one died. Decent Canadians and their families were abused by their own governments to please a foreign government.

The research file you are looking at here consists of scans by Library and Archives Canada of an original federal government & RCMP file at the time of the internments.


I haven’t forgotten.  I still owe you the Memorandum and Request eBook, and an Editorial on the 74th Anniversary of Arcand’s release from internment.  Please accept this in the meantime, it was finished back in late July, but I haven’t a chance to finalize the Editorial or the other eBook.

Subscribe, if you haven’t already done so!

Abonnez-vous, si vous ne l’avez pas déjà fait!

A Hitchiker’s Guide to the Works of Adrien Arcand:  The Reader must Consent to be a Traveler!

I recommend these words of wisdom from a Professor to anyone reading Adrien Arcand for the first time.

“But the perspective of the historian is not that of orthodoxy; his goal is to understand and explain; his only domain must be that of science.  It is up to him to reconstitute the climate, the cultural context which illuminates divergent or successive positions taken at a given time, considering the latter in and of itself and not in relation to the present time.  The reader must bear in mind Vatican II’s profound disconnect in the culture and traditions of the Catholic Church, and consent to make the effort required of the traveler to understand the customs and usages of exotic countries.”

— Pierre Trépanier, (1991).  La religion dans la pensée d’Adrien Arcand.  Les Cahiers des dix, (46), 207–247, 212.  https://doi.org/10.7202/1015587ar

Je recommande ces paroles de sagesse d’un professeur à quiconque lit Adrien Arcand pour la première fois.

“Mais la perspective de l’historien n’est pas celle de l’orthodoxie; son but est de comprendre et d’expliquer; son seul domaine doit être celui de la science.  Il lui revient de restituer le climat, le contexte culturel qui éclaire les prises de position divergentes ou successives à une époque donnée, en considérant cette dernière en elle-même et non pas par rapport au temps présent.  Le lecteur doit garder à l’esprit la coupure profonde pratiquée par Vatican II dans la culture et les traditions de l’Église catholique, et consentir à faire l’effort qu’exige du voyageur la compréhension des us et coutumes des contrées exotiques.”

— Pierre Trépanier, (1991).  La religion dans la pensée d’Adrien Arcand.  Les Cahiers des dix, (46), 207–247, 212.  https://doi.org/10.7202/1015587ar

New Free eBook:  Soldier of Christ at His own Risk and Peril by Jean Côté (1994)

Soldier of Christ at His own Risk and Peril Jean Côté (1994)

Soldier of Christ at His own Risk and Peril by Jean Côté (1994).  Free download of PDF, ePub and Flash Flipbook all in a zip file.

New Flash Flipbook!

Soldier of Christ by Jean Côté is now in English.


FOREWORD

A young Adrien Arcand

A young Adrien Arcand


This is a wonderful segment from the book by Jean Côté, Adrien Arcand, A Great Personality of Our Time (Adrien Arcand, une grande figure de notre temps.  1994.  ISBN 2-9801677-3-8).  (See pages 171-177.)  I hope you enjoy it.

Ceci est un segment merveilleux du livre de Jean Côté, Adrien Arcand, une grande figure de notre temps.  1994.  ISBN 2-9801677-3-8).  (Voir pages 171-177.)  J’espère que ça vous plait.

Soldat du Christ, à ses risques et périls

Soldier of Christ at His Own Risk and Peril

par Jean Côté

by Jean Côté

La personnalité d’Adrien Arcand, ses idées politiques, son action pancanadienne, sa ferveur pour la sauvegarde des valeurs chrétiennes dans le monde occidental, son prosélytisme ardent pour l’homme blanc et ses farouches combats contre le judéo-communisme en firent un être d’exception et probablement le plus dur adversaire des Juifs au Canada.

The personality of Adrien Arcand, his political ideas, his pan-Canadian action, his fervor for the safeguarding of Christian values in the Western world, his ardent proselytizing for the white man and his fierce battles against Judeo-communism made him an exceptional being and probably the toughest opponent of the Jews in Canada.

S’il éprouva une attirance certaine pour le fascisme européen en utilisant maints symboles importés — croix gammée, insignes, chemises bleues, garde de fer — pour identifier et promouvoir son mouvement qui se donna des allures para-militaires dans sa période fiévreuse, le chef du Parti National Social Chrétien, catholique et traditionaliste, était aux antipodes de l’idéologie judéo-communiste.

If he felt a certain attraction for European fascism in using a myriad of imported symbols — the Swastika, insignias, blue shirts, Iron Guard — to identify and promote his movement, which gave itself a paramilitary appearance in its feverish period, the leader of the Catholic and traditionalist National Social Christian Party was at opposite poles from Judeo-communist ideology.

Toutefois, ses déclarations à l’emporte-pièce, sa dialectique vigoureuse, documentée et sa constante apologie du Blanc, pour lui le grand «progressiste de l’humanité», servirent ses adversaires qui dénigrèrent sans relâche un grand chrétien doublé d’un grand patriote.

However, his sweeping statements, his vigorous and documented dialectic, and his constant defence of the White race, for him the great “progressivist of humanity,” served his adversaries who tirelessly denigrated a great Christian coupled with a great patriot.

Dans tous ses écrits philosophiques le nom de Dieu, tel un leitmotiv revenait constamment sur ses lèvres.  Ses derniers disciples, toujours vivants, les Lemieux, les Lanctôt, les Laberge, les Bleau et quelques autres témoignent que toute la pensée politique de leur chef était nourrie par ses études dans des

In all his philosophical writings the name of God, like a leitmotif, constantly returns to his lips. His last disciples, still alive, the Lemieux’s, the Lanctôt’s, the Laberge’s, the Bleau’s and a few others, testify that all the political thought of their leader was nourished by his studies in

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établissements catholiques (les collèges de Montréal et Sainte-Marie) et par ses lectures portant sur des sujets religieux.

Catholic establishments (the colleges of Montréal and Sainte-Marie) and by his reading on religious subjects.

Adrien Arcand se défendit d’être un fasciste à la mode hitlérienne.

Adrien Arcand denied that he was a fascist in the style of Hitler.

— Sa connaissance de la théologie était si poussée, raconte Gérard Lemieux qu’il pouvait en montrer à bien des théologiens.  S’il l’avait voulu, il aurait pu être à l’aise dans la peau d’un chanoine tant il avait poussé loin sa science de la doctrine de l’Eglise catholique.

His knowledge of theology was so advanced, says Gérard Lemieux, that he could match many a theologian.  Had he wanted to, he could have been at ease in the skin of a canon so far had he progressed in his science of the doctrine of the Catholic Church.

Plus de cinquante ans après la guerre de 1939-45, il serait difficile et téméraire à un homme d’aujourd’hui d’essayer de comprendre le mysticisme des générations antérieures et leur attachement profond aux valeurs de l’époque; Dieu, patrie, famille, vérité, autorité, discipline, travail, honneur, sacrifice, dignité, altruisme, tradition: mots vides de sens aujourd’hui.

More than fifty years after the 1939-45 war, it would be difficult and reckless for a man today to try to understand the mysticism of earlier generations and their deep attachment to the values of the time:  God, homeland, family, truth, authority, discipline, work, honor, sacrifice, dignity, altruism, tradition: words empty of meaning today.

Bruno Lagrange, philosophe, théologien, auteur de plusieurs ouvrages et présentateur de télévision, a dit de la société actuelle:

Bruno Lagrange, philosopher, theologian, author of several books, and television presenter, said of the current society:

«Ce qui s’écroule, ce ne sont pas les structures qui meurent, c’est nous dans cette société qui mourons à un monde de fausse relation».»

“What is collapsing… it is not the structures that are dying, it is us in this society who are dying to a world of false understanding.”

Ces paroles n’auraient pas détonné dans la bouche d’Adrien Arcand, tant les fragments de sa correspondance que nous avons étudié et lu avec intérêt, fait une large place à sa dimension spirituelle; pour lui, sans le Christ, le sacré, la Grandeur, il n’y a pas de vie souhaitable.  La Croix, c’est le symbole de vie, mais dans une société dépravée, elle est le contraire de ce qu’elle représente.

These words would not have detonated in the mouth of Adrien Arcand, so much do the fragments of his correspondence that we have studied and read with interest give abundant room to his spiritual dimension; for him, without Christ, the sacred, Grandeur, there is no desirable life.  The Cross is the symbol of life, but in a depraved society it is the opposite of what it represents.

Explorant les avenues du fascisme, l’écrivain François Mora affirme que, dans son cas,  «le fascisme est exaltation et folie car il conserve ses racines humaines dans le bien et le mal, alors que le communisme — la «béte noire» d’Arcand — est une forme de barbarie absolue».

Exploring the avenues of fascism, the writer François Mora asserts that, in his case, “fascism is exaltation and madness because it retains its human roots in good and evil, while communism — the scourge of Arcand — is a form of absolute barbarism.”

Pierre Trépanier a fait une courte mais intéressante étude1 de la pensée d’Adrien Arcand.

Pierre Trépanier made a short but interesting study1 of the thought of Adrien Arcand.

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«Le lecteur des brochures d’Arcand, écrit-il, s’étonnera par son insistance à promouvoir la religion et les valeurs spirituelles qui n’ont rien à voir avec la politique».

“The reader of Arcand’s pamphlets,” he writes, “will be astonished by his insistence on promoting religion and spiritual values that have nothing to do with politics.”

Dans le dépouillement de «Mon Livre d’Heures» publié en 1936, Pierre Trépanier en vient à la conclusion suivante:

Having analyzed “Mon Livre d’Heures,” published in 1936, Pierre Trépanier came to the following conclusion:

«Au total, prière et apologétique représentent 56 p.ccnt du contenu de la brochure, contre 44 p.cent pour la politique. Un livre d’heures étant un recueil de dévotion renfermant les heures canoniales, Arcand a eu somme toute raison d’appeler ainsi son opuscule, dans une acception libre, où passe vraiment, malgré les confusions et les erreurs, le souffle même de la foi. Si cette foi s’est alliée au racisme, à l’antisémitisme,2 ce n’était ni inévitable ni automatique.  Elle tient très bien seule sans le racisme.  Elle n’y trouve pas son accomplissement, mais plutôt une difficulté sérieuse, qu’il s’agit de surmonter.3  Quant à son racisme, il se suffit à lui-même dans la mesure où il découle d’une lecture politique de l’histoire. Mais si, dans ce racisme, l’on considère l’antisémitisme, il devient évident qu’il repose sur une vision religieuse du Monde et du Temps et qu’il maintient vivant l’héritage de l’antijudaisme, presque aussi vieux que le christianisme lui-même. La pensée d’Arcand se nourrit de la tradition catholique et d’une culture biblique, fruit d’une longue pratique des Livres Saints. Sa mémoire historique plonge assez loin dans le passé pour embrasser l’expérience juive depuis sa plus haute antiquité».

“In total, prayer and apologetics account for 56 per cent of the contents of the booklet, compared to 44 per cent for politics.  A book of hours being a collection of devotions containing the canonical hours, Arcand had every reason to so title his mini-opus, broadly speaking, where in spite of confusion and errors, the very breath of Faith is drawn throughout.  If this Faith was allied to racism, anti-Semitism,2 it was neither inevitable nor automatic.  It stands on its own quite well without the racism.  It finds not its fulfillment, but rather a serious difficulty that must be overcome.3  As for his racism, it is also self-sustaining insofar as it stems from a political reading of history.  But if, in this racism, we consider anti-Semitism, it becomes obvious that it is also based on a religious vision of the World and Time, and that it keeps alive the legacy of anti-Judaism, almost as old as Christianity itself.  Arcand’s thought feeds on Catholic tradition and a biblical culture born of a long practice of the Holy Books.  Its historical memory plunges far enough into the past to embrace the Jewish experience in its most remote antiquity.”

Après sa libération du camp d’internement, Arcand et ses disciples réclamèrent à grands cris un procès public.  Leur requête fut refusée.

After his release from the internment camp, Arcand and his followers clamored for a public trial.  Their request was denied.

«L’Etat n’a jamais osé l’envoyer à son procès4, écrit Tréparuer, qu’il en serait sorti blanchi, Arcand n’a pus de sang sur les mains.»

“The State never dared to send him to his trial,”4 writes Trépanier, “from which he would have emerged cleared, Arcand had no blood on his hands.”

Mystique?  Prêcheur moderne?  Pourfendeur d’athées? Adversaire irréductible du judéo-communisme?  Ennemi du libéralisme?  Agitateur social à l’exempte de Jésus?  Doctrinaire5 au verbe incisif réclamant l’adoption du corporatisme?  Adrien Arcand fut tout cela à la fois.  Visionnaire à sa façon, il devinait intuitivement que le Québec allait entrer dans une profonde mutation et ne pourrait rester à l’écart des changements qui

A mystic?  A modern preacher?  A slayer of atheists?  A hard-core adversary of Judeo-communism?  An enemy of liberalism?  A social agitator on the model of Jesus?  An acute doctrinarian5 demanding the adoption of corporatism?  Adrien Arcand was all of these at once.  A visionary in his own way, he guessed that Quebec would change profoundly and would not remain aloof from the changes that

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balayeraient les «belles assurances- que le Québec était immuable dans sa forme, son esprit et ses croyances religieuses.

would sweep away the “beautiful certainties” that Quebec was immutable in its form, its spirit and its religious beliefs.

Adrien Arcand était-il un fanatique?  En tout cas, pas dans le sens que les Québécois, par ailleurs longtemps xénophobes, perçoivent le fascisme.

Was Adrien Arcand a fanatic?  At any rate, not in the sense that Quebecers, long-standing xenophobes, perceive fascism.

«Les Canadiens français d’hier, dira Gérard Lemieux, éprouvaient plus de crainte que de mépris pour les étrangers».

“French-Canadians of yesterday,” Gérard Lemieux would say, “felt more fear than contempt of foreigners”.

Si l’on en juge par l’ensemble de ses écrits, Adrien Arcand — à la tête d’une formation politique de 100 000 membres — était davantage un missionnaire égaré dans la politique, un soldat du Christ, car il pensait que Dieu était le législateur suprême et que personne ne pouvait se substituer à sa volonté divine. Il avait le sentiment et la certitude qu’il véhiculait à travers ses discours, d’authentiques et d’indestructibles valeurs.

Judging from all his writings, Adrien Arcand — at the head of a political organization of 100,000 members — was more of a missionary who had strayed into politics, a soldier of Christ, because he thought that God was the supreme Legislator and that no one could substitute his own will for Divine Will.  He had the feeling and the certitude that through his speeches he was transmitting authentic and indestructible values.

Nietzsche soutient «que les valeurs les plus élevées se dévalorisent mais que les valeurs restent plus fondamentales que les certitudes».

Nietzsche argued “that the highest values depreciate but that values remain more fundamental than certainties”.

Adrien Arcand n’allait pas dans le sens de la vie avec ses changements, ses surprises, ses impondérables, ses incongruités, mais il optait aveuglément pour les choses acquises spirituellement, refusant viscéralement les illusions du progrès qu’il vouait à la géhenne, la prosternation devant le veau d’or (le matérialisme), l’aliénation de l’âme à un monde fourbe, insensé et déséquilibré.  Comme une obsession, il prônait l’unité dans la continuité.  En tout temps, avec belle transparence — même dans ses heures de virulence — il refusait le compromis.

Adrien Arcand did not travel in the same direction as life, with its changes, its surprises, its imponderables, its incongruities; he blindly opted for things spiritually acquired, viscerally refusing the illusions of progress that he doomed to Gehenna:  prostration before the golden calf (materialism), the alienation of the soul in a deceitful, foolish and unbalanced world.  As if obsessed, he advocated unity in continuity.  At all times, with lovely transparency — even in his virulent moments — he rejected compromise.

— Le mensonge me donne le vertige, disait-il.  J’aime la Vérité comme un autre moi-même.  Mais lorsqu’on dit la Vérité, on devient contagieux.

— The lie makes me dizzy, he said.  I love Truth as another myself.  But when we tell the Truth, we become contagious.

Né au début du siècle, à une époque ou l’archevêque de Montréal, Edouard-Charles Fabre défendait à ses prêtres «d’aller au théâtre ou à l’opéra», Adrien Arcand était le produit d’une génération profondément pénétrée de certitudes.

Born at the beginning of the century, at a time when the Archbishop of Montreal, Edouard-Charles Fabre, forbade his priests from “attending theatre or the opera,” Adrien Arcand was the product of a generation deeply penetrated by certainties.

Il y avait bien ici et là quelques dissidents, mais ils rentraient vite dans le rang.

There were some dissenters here and there, but they quickly returned to the ranks.

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[176]

Très peu d’oracles au début du siècle prévoyaient les bouleversements énormes qui allaient secouer la civilisation occidentale chrétienne dans ses structures physiques et mentales.

Very few oracles at the beginning of the century foresaw the enormous upheavals that would rock the physical and mental structures of Western Christian civilization.

Le chanoine Georges Panneton, un homme d’une grande rigueur intellectuelle, avec lequel le chef du PNSC entretenait une correspondance suivie.

Canon Georges Panneton was a man of great intellectual rigor, with whom the leader of the NSCP kept up a long correspondence.

D’Arcand, il dira:

Of Arcand, he would say:

— J’ai correspondu avec lui durant quatre ans.  Je le considère comme un génie en son genre, un apôtre courageux qui a tout sacrifié pour le service de l’Église et pour établir le règne du Christ.  Je lui garde toute mon admiration.

— I corresponded with him for four years.  I consider him a genius of his kind, a brave apostle who sacrificed everything for the service of the Church and to establish the reign of Christ.  He has my complete admiration.

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1.  Côté fait référence à Trépanier, P. (1991).  La religion dans la pensée d’Adrien Arcand.  Les Cahiers des dix, (46), 207-247.

1.  Côté is referring to Trépanier, P. (1991).  La religion dans la pensée d’Adrien ArcandLes Cahiers des dix, (46), 207-247, (translation:  “Religion in the Thought of Adrien Arcand”).

2.  Dans un éditorial, “Pourquoi le sémitisme est un danger”, Adrien Arcand définit le sens du mot “sémitisme” dans Le Goglu du 23 mai 1930.  Il précise ainsi ce qu’il entend par antisémitisme.  À mon avis, son erreur en tant que journaliste et personnage politique était d’avoir utilisé un mot qui portait déjà une dénotation négative, car cette dénotation ne correspond pas à ce qu’il a décrit comme son propre usage du mot dans son éditorial.  À mon avis, son antisémitisme ne peut pas non plus être réduit au “racisme”.  La judéité ne se réduit pas à une simple question de “race”.  Arcand était d’ailleurs assez favorable envers beaucoup de Juifs devenus prêtres et érudits catholiques; Arcand les cite dans ses propre œuvres.

2.  In an editorial, “Why Semitism is a Danger”, Adrien Arcand defines the meaning of “Semitism” in the Goglu of May 23rd, 1930.  He thus made clear what he meant by Anti-Semitism.  His error as a journalist and political figure, in my view, was to have used a word that already had a negative denotation, because that denotation does not correspond with what he described as his own use of the word in his Editorial.  His Anti-Semitism, in my view also cannot be reduced to “racism”.  Jewishness is not reducible to a mere question of “race”.  Arcand was moreover quite favorable toward many Jews who became Catholic priests and scholars; Arcand quotes them in his own work.

3.  Je pense que Côté a accidentellement ignoré cette ligne, je l’ai réintroduite:  “Elle n’y trouve pas son accomplissement, mais plutôt une difficulté sérieuse, qu’il s’agit de surmonter.”

3.  I think that Côté accidentally skipped this line, I’ve reintroduced it:  “Elle n’y trouve pas son accomplissement, mais plutôt une difficulté sérieuse, qu’il s’agit de surmonter.

4.  Je ne pense pas que c’est une question de refus de juger Arcand et ses hommes, car ils auraient été acquittés.  À mon avis, l’État libéral les a délibérément incriminés dans des accusations factices pour lesquelles il n’existait aucune preuve et dans le seul but de les placer en détention pour les interner.  L’État savait que les accusations étaient fausses, il n’y avait aucune intention d’aller en procès, c’est pourquoi leur audience préliminaire a été abandonnée et il n’y a pas eu non plus de procès après la guerre.  De fausses accusations ont été portées dans le cadre d’un programme plus vaste et sinistre.  J’expliquerai bientôt, car je viens de recevoir un lot de documents des Archives d’Ottawa, que je suis en train de lire avec le Mémorandum de 1957 d’Arcand et sa demande d’indemnisation.

4.  I don’t think it’s a question of Arcand and his men being denied a trial because they would have been cleared.  In my view, they were framed deliberately by the Liberal State with phony charges for which there was no evidence, and for the sole purpose of taking them into custody to intern them.  The State knew the charges were false, there was no intent to go to trial, which is why their preliminary hearing was abandoned, and there also was no trial after the war.  False charges were laid as part of a broader, sinister agenda.  I’ll explain it soon, as I’ve just received a bundle of documents from the Ottawa Archives which I’m percolating together with Arcand’s 1957 Memorandum and Request for compensation.

5.  Doctrinarien signifie «obstinément insistant sur la théorie sans se soucier de la pragmatique ou de l’aptitude» ou «une personne obstinée d’opinions arbitraires ou arrogantes».  Je ne pense pas que Arcand ait été arbitraire sur la question de son parlement unitaire au cœur de son corporatisme.  En fait, il fait référence au Parlement anglais originel qui était unitaire avant l’émergence des partis.  Il considère cette émergence comme une aberration préjudiciable et il préfère le Parlement d’origine pour les raisons qu’il a données, et nous pouvons trouver des éléments de preuve dans les documents qu’il a aimé distribuer.  Il existe en fait des indications selon lesquelles les partis politiques — qui ont d’abord émergé en Angleterre pour ensuite s’étendre au loin — ne sont pas constitutionnels et n’ont jamais été reconnus en Angleterre ou au Royaume-Uni comme faisant partie de la Constitution britannique.  Je vais en parler un autre jour.

5.  Doctrinarian means “Stubbornly insistent on theory without regard for prac-ticality or suitability” or “A stubborn person of arbitrary or arrogant opinions”.  I don’t think Arcand was arbitrary on the issue of his unitary parliament at the heart of his corporatism.  In fact, he refers to the original English Parliament that was unitary before the emergence of parties.  He views that emergence as a harmful aberration and he prefers the original Parliament for reasons that he gives, and we can find substantiation in the materials he liked to distribute.  There are, in fact, indications that political parties — which first emerged in England to then spread far and wide are not constitutional, and have never been recognized in England or UK as a part of the British Constitution.  I’ll talk about that another day.

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This Just In:  Hon. George Drew, from speech at Pembroke, Ontario (9 July 1953)

FOREWORD
Drew Condemns the Internment without Trial of Arcand and his men

Hon. George Drew, 14th Premier of Ontario

Hon. George Drew, 14th Premier of Ontario

George Drew’s speech of July 9th, 1953 arrived in my inbox on July 9th, 2019, and July 9th, 1953 is my birthday, so maybe this is a good omen.  In his draft Memorandum and Request for redress dated 1957, Adrien Arcand referred to this Drew speech.1  I was lucky to be able to get it from Drew’s own archives in Ottawa.  Drew was the 14th Premier of Ontario from August 17, 1943 – October 19, 1948.

That Drew should have made the speech is particularly interesting.  Justice Minister Louis Saint-Laurent tried to send Drew to the camps as well in WWII!  He charged him under section 39B of the Defence Of Canada Regulations.  Drew defended himself, and won.2 (I like him already.)

The Drew speech will be included in the upcoming eBook that I owe you.  Here it is (emphases added).

Part of Speech of Hon. George Drew,
Pembroke, July 9, 1953

One of the points in our program—and a very important point (it) is—includes the promise that we will restore the rule of law.  We believe that there should be no interference with the freedom and work of the individual by order-in-council or still worse at the whim of any government official.

At the root of our free democracy is the principle that no man or woman shall have their freedom threatened or their right to work denied except under a known law3, defining the offence and enforced only by our free and impartial courts.

The present government abandoned that principal long ago.  During the last war, in this free Canada of ours, men were put in concentration camps without any charge being laid against them.4 They were denied any access to the courts.  They were refused their historic right to defend themselves and to be regarded as innocent until their guilt was proved.  Later it was found that innocent men had been held for long periods.  They were offered no redress.

Now we are seeing a less severe but equally unjust procedure which denies the rule of law.  In the name of “Screening” we have seen witchhunts by the government in different government agencies.  For months the government refused to permit the National Film Board to take any pictures in places where some measure of security was involved.  They placed innocent and highly efficient men and women under a cloak of suspicion while they searched for what—Communist activities, which they say they are unable to define.

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Then with a great show of satisfaction they declared that they had cieansed the board of offenders who are guilty of no offence which this Government will define by law.  The same sort of witchhunt has been carried on elsewhere.

They passed an order-in-council to deal with Communism among sailors6 on vessels operating on the Great Lakes.  Again there was no definition of the offence.  Again men were denied the right to work which is the right to live.  And again it was for something the Government says it is unable to define.  Who knows whether the men dealt with are innocent or guilty.  There was no trial.  No court made a decision.

That is the kind of witchhunt we have promised to stop.  Our party stands firmly against Communism.  Make no mistake about that.  We believe in the rule of law for which men and women have fought and died, in years gone by, that freedom might be secure.

We are told that there must be no interference with ideas.  That is our position.  This Government is denying men and women the right to work because of ideas.  Our contention is that the positive act of working to destroy our democracy in the service of the Kremlin5 or any other foreign government should be declared an offence by law.  Only our courts should have the right to deal with the freedom of any individual.  The present witchhunts must come to an end and firm steps be taken under a known law, passed by parliament, to deal with agents of an international conspiracy to destroy our freedom.

The government can hardly deny that it knows that active organizers of the Communist Party, under any name they choose, are servants of the Kremlin.  The Government has published a report on

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Communist activities prepared by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police which makes that clear.  Their activities are described as treachery.  We believe that particular form of treachery can be defined. At a time our young men are fighting that international conspiracy on the field of battle we think it must be defined and the fight against Communist and other treacherous activities of that kind dealt with under the rule of law.

I am surprised to read reports of a statement by the Prime Minister that the government is unaware of Communist activities in agencies of the government.  They told us of this in the House of Commons.  That is why they have been “Screening” a number of government agencies.

There is however a particular reason for surprise because the press has been carrying detailed stories of Communist activities for some time.  If the Prime Minister has not been informed by the Minister responsible I would have expected that he would hear about it through the press.

Canadians who understand this menace were shocked to learn just over a month ago that a Communist-led union which had been expelled by the Canadian Congress of Labour because of its Communist activities is in a position to paralyze our vital uranium industry.

Among the mines and other operations where this union has been organized is the Federal Government’s own uranium operations.  At the head of that organization is a man now called Harvey Murphy.  He is a European born Communist who was trained at the Lenin Institute in Moscow where they specialize in political warfare and sabotage.  His agents, and the government knows their names, have

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been organizing in the government owned operations which are intended to provide our most vital military requirement.

If the government does not know about those activities then this is an added proof that it is incapable to govern.  I am informed that at this very time there is an application by this Communist-led organization before the Labor Relations Board to be certified as the bargaining agent for the Government owned uranium operation in Saskatchewan.  If it was regarded as important to restrain Communist activities on ships in the Great Lakes it is surely equally important to deal with Communism in Canada’s most vital operations.

The Government is dodging this issue by a smoke screen of appeals to the priceless name of freedom.  We will respect the true principles of freedom.  We will pass a law to define an offence for which this Government has not hesitated to send men to concentration camps without a law. We will protect the freedom of the individual by making certain that only by a decision of our courts will this law be interpreted. We will defend the freedom of Canada at home as well as abroad by taking the steps necessary to protect ourselves against treachery of this kind.  We will restore the Rule of Law.7

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1. See Memorandum and Request, second paragraph, where Arcand prefaces the Drew quote at Pembroke as follows at page 14: “The Hon. George Drew, speaking in a public meeting in Pembroke, Ont., on the 9th of July 1953, stated …”.

2. “Drew is politically and physically brave.  He once saved a man from drowning in Lake Ontario.  An hour before appearing in court on a charge of infringing section 39B of the Defense of Canada Regulations, he slipped and broke his war-shattered left arm.  He appeared in court with the arm unset and unattended, spoke in his own defense for some 20 minutes.” (Maclean’s, “George Drew” by Pierre Berton, October 1, 1948. Anecdote: I was a fact-checker for Reader’s Digest (Westmount office, Montreal) in the early 1970s.  I had to take apart books and articles, sentence by sentence, and verify each alleged fact with three independent sources to prove or disprove it, and recommend corrections.  Only one writer ever crossed my desk who never needed correction.  Pierre Berton.

3. The concept of being subject to “known” law seems to derive in UK and thus in Canada, from the principle of promulgation advanced by Saint Thomas Aquinas.  Webster includes a definition of promulgate stating, “to make known or public the terms of (a proposed law)” and “to put (a law or rule) into action or force”.  In other words, law must be known in advance to allow the public to comply.  (Or, also in Canada, to contest it as void or ultra vires.)  The Orders in Council of William Lyon Mackenzie King banning the National Unity Part of Canada and then “declaring” Arcand and his men members of an illegal association (by surprise while they were imprisoned), were not “law,” but a trap.  Arcand and his men were not allowed to comply in advance because it wasn’t passed as law, which in Canada undergoes debate in the Legislature and is promulgated when passed.  Mackenzie King was notorious in his day for ruling by decree using Orders in Council, which is what George Drew is referring to when he promises to restore the “rule of law” as opposed to Liberal dictatorship.  In other words, when Arcand, in his 1957 Memorandum and Request, talks about “tyranny” and “despotism”, he isn’t kidding.  He’s talking about the Liberals, who then as now have no liking for Parliament or democratic procedures.  AAB

4. Drew possibly means the charges laid were not proved in court before the men were interned, arbitrarily.  AAB

5. This being 1953, and Fred Rose being in jail for espionage, Drew must be alluding to the obvious… that Communists can hardly take office in Canada (their oaths being void) since they work for a foreign power geared to overthrow the country.  AAB

6. Not on the Great Lakes, but a great story otherwise on point.  In my article, “Blockbuster: The Testimony of Patrick Walsh to the Un-American Activities Subcommittee (1953)” at my Anticommunist Archive, I said of Pat Walsh—a great Canadian defector from the Communists:

“Walsh, under Communist orders to get on a ship and become a member of the Canadian Seamen’s Union, is accompanied to the dock by his fellow Communists.

Shortly before the Mont Rolland lifts anchor to sail out of Montreal, the Communist strong-arms board the vessel, grab the hired galley boy with his baggage and throw him off the ship.  In his place, our man Walsh is brought aboard.  The Reds put Walsh in charge of Communist propaganda amongst the crew.  For his full-time Communist activities, Walsh receives the pay for the job of a galley boy, a job he now holds in name, but never does.  In his place, Communist sailors from deckside visit the galley each day on orders of Walsh’s fellow agitators.  The conscripted seamen obediently swab and paint the galley, and peel Walsh’s potatoes for him!  Walsh, a former student of Fred Rose (Soviet spy), hands free, teaches Communism to the sailors.”

7. In a footnote on page 160, in the section Labor/Travail, segment VIII “Critics of Government Repression”, Reg Whitaker, author of Official Repression of Communism During World War II (published January 1, 1986), offers more on George Drew’s opposition to internment by decree.  “Even George Drew, usually in favour of repression of Communists, spoke out eloquently against internment without trial:  Toronto Telegram, 7 November 1940 and Saturday Night, 16 November 1940.  Drew himself ran afoul of the regulations by criticizing government war policy, although the Liberals finally thought better of acting against a leading Tory.  PAC, Brooke Claxton Papers, Claxton to King, 12 October 1940: FRS, Vol. 30, file 13, 14 January 1940; Cook, ‘Freedom in Canada,’” 45-6.

At page 143, Whitaker also footnotes “Montreal Star, ‘Probe of Reds Urged by Drew.’ 15 November 1939; WLMK/M&N, Vol, 355, File 3814, J.A. Gibson, ‘Re: Defence of Canada Regulations,’ 23 May 1940.”  AAB


Source:  The file title of the George Drew typewritten speech transcribed above, in the files of the National Library and Archives of Canada, is: “Speech.  Pembroke [General election issues] – Manuscript 9 July 1953”.  It is archived in “362 ( 3 B ) SPEECHES 9-21 JULY, 1953,” “The Hon. George Drew fonds, p000000128.pdf Volume 315, File 361”, 5 pages.  The fifth page is covered in apparently randomly scribbled names of people and organizations.  I haven’t given you a “part” of the speech, I’ve given you everything the Archives gave to me, this “part” seems to be all they have.

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